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What’s behind the explosive growth in Canadian university costs?

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From the Macdonald Laurier Institute

By David Clinton for Inside Policy

Dramatic increases in high-end employment costs have been a significant driver of rising university costs.

We’ve probably all seen reports describing out-of-control higher education costs in the United States. An education that in the 1970s could be financed with some savings and a part-time job at the local Burger King will now cost you the equivalent of a down payment on a multi-family investment property.

Those increases are not just the result of regular inflation. When you track US college costs against consumer goods (as the economist Mark J. Perry did), you’ll see that, besides healthcare, rising college-related expenses are unlike anything else.

What changed? The word on the street is that those crazy tuition costs are mostly due to colleges hiring vast armies of non-teaching administrators.

But what about Canadian universities? Back in 2006–07, according to Statistics Canada, across all Canadian universities the average inflation-adjusted cost of one year’s undergraduate tuition was $17,363. Fast forward to 2023–24 – and that same tuition-only cost has now doubled to $34,628.

Note how I referred to those numbers as “costs.” That’s because $34,628 is what you’ll pay if you’re an international student without scholarships. Thanks to government subsidies, Canadians get a big discount. In fact, the average domestic student currently pays only $6,434. But it’s taxpayers who cover the difference.

So, tuition is rising far faster than inflation. But figuring out what’s behind those increases will take some work.

The rise of the university administrator

As the chart shows, since 2001, teaching jobs have dropped from accounting for 17.38 percent of all university positions down to 14.52 percent in 2022. In other words, universities are, proportionally, hiring teaching staff at significantly lower rates than they used to. But please do keep that “proportional” bit in the back of your mind, as we’ll come back to it later.

Source: Statistics Canada/The Audit

However, those numbers don’t tell us who universities are hiring instead of teaching staff. Perhaps they’re building up their food services, security, and custodial crews?

There is at least one identifiable subgroup that’s visibly ballooned: education support services. That North American Industry Classification System category (NAICS Code 6117) includes educational consultants, student exchange program coordinators, testing services, research and development, guidance counsellors, and tutoring and exam preparation services.

Since 2001, the proportion of support services staff in relation to all hires has more than doubled, from 1.06 percent to 2.62 percent. Their absolute numbers across Canada rose from 3,829 to 15,292. (Statistics Canada offers plenty of data and insights on the topics raised in this article. For further investigation, go herehere, and here).

That’s certainly an interesting trend. But an increase of just 1.5 percent isn’t enough to explain the tuition growth we’ve experienced. And I’m also not sure that the “education support services” category maps directly to the class of high-earning administrator they’re talking about in the US. It looks like we could use some more data.

Tracking Salary Changes in Ontario Universities

The year 1996 saw a welcome victory for government transparency when Ontario’s then-Progressive Conservative Premier Mike Harris mandated the annual disclosure of all public sector employees earning more than $100,000. Since that year, the Sunshine List, as it’s popularly known, has grown from just 4,500 names to more than 300,000. However, $100,000 won’t buy you what it once did – especially if you must live in Toronto.

Perhaps we could bring those numbers up to date. Using the Bank of Canada’s inflation calculator, I identified the inflation-adjusted value of 100,000 1996 dollars for 2003 and for 2023. I then identified the individuals on the list who were employed by universities in 2003 and in 2023 and whose salaries were above the inflation-adjusted thresholds. The new thresholds, by the way, were $117,000 for 2003 and $175,000 in 2023.

The first thing that hits you when you see the adjusted data is the explosive growth in hiring. Ontario universities (not including colleges) employed 2,191 individuals earning more than $117,000 in 2003. Twenty years later, the number of employees earning more than $175,000 had ballooned to 8,536. That’s 290 percent growth. The number of people with “dean” in their job description climbed from 195 to 488 during those years. And there are now 6,772 professors on the high earners’ list as opposed to just 1,782 back in 2003.

For context, Statistics Canada tells us that there were 397,776 students enrolled in Ontario universities in 2003 and 579,057 in 2022 (the latest year for which data is available). That’s an increase of 46 percent – which doesn’t justify the 60 percent jump we’ve seen in high-paid deans and the 74 percent increase in similarly high-paid professors.

I think things are starting to come into focus.

Now let’s find out what happened to salaries. Did you know that there’s a strategic management professor who’s earning more than $650,000 annually? And what about that hybrid dean/lecturer who’s pulling in close to $600,000?

Okay… those are probably outliers, and there isn’t much we can learn from them. However, I can tell you that the average university employee in our Sunshine List earned $140,660 back in 2003. Twenty years later, the inflation-adjusted equivalent of that salary would be $211,887. But in the real world – the one that those on the public payroll graciously agree to share with us – the average 2023 university employee on the list earned $220,404. That’s a difference of only 4 percent or so, but that’s after we already accounted for inflation.

Perhaps I can illustrate this another way. The sum of all university salaries above the $117,000 threshold in 2003 was around $308 million. In 2023 dollars, that would equal $464 million. But the actual sum of all 2023 salaries above $175,000 was $1.8 billion (with a “B”)!

So, yes, tuition has doubled since 2006–07. And it seems that dramatic increases in high-end employment costs have been a significant driver. As the taxpayers paying for most of this, there’s a question that we must ask ourselves: has the epic growth in university employment delivered value to Ontario – and to all Canada – at a scale that justifies those costs? In other words, are the students now graduating from Canadian schools equipped to successfully enter a demanding job market, navigate a fractured political environment, and strengthen weakened communities? Recent scenes from campus protests suggest that might not be the case.

David Clinton is the publisher of The Audit (www.theaudit.ca), a journal of data-driven policy analysis. He is also the author of books on data tools, cloud and Linux administration, and IT security.

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Trump walks back tariffs on Mexico, Canada for another month

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From The Center Square

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Stocks sunk Thursday afternoon despite President Donald Trump’s decision to grant major exceptions to the 25% tariffs he put on Mexico and Canada earlier this week.

All three major U.S. market indexes were in the red by the time of Trump’s afternoon bill signing. Trump said Thursday in the Oval Office that steel and aluminum tariffs were on track for next week without modifications.

Trump shrugged off the stock losses, blaming the decline on “globalists.”

“I think it’s globalists that see how rich our country is going to be and don’t like it,” he said.

Trump has promised that his tariffs would shift the tax burden away from Americans and onto foreign countries, but tariffs are generally paid by the people who import the products. Those importers then have a choice: They can either absorb the loss or pass it on to consumers through higher prices. He also promised tariffs would make America “rich as hell.” And he’s used tariffs as a negotiating tactic to tighten border security.

Trump granted temporary tariff relief to both Canada and Mexico on Thursday by exempting goods under the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement from tariffs until April 2.

On April 2, Trump plans to announce broader reciprocal tariffs against countries that impose tariffs on U.S. goods or keep U.S. goods out of their markets through other methods.

Since imposing his latest round of tariffs on top of trading partners this week, Trump has been paring them back. On Wednesday, Trump said the Big Three automakers – Ford Motor Co., General Motors Co. and Stellantis NV – would be exempt from his tariffs for a month.

In February, Trump took a step forward on his plan to put reciprocal tariffs on U.S. trading partners by signing a memo directing staff to come up with solutions in 180 days. Trump previously said he would put those tariffs in place on April 2 to avoid any confusion on April 1.

In his joint address to Congress on Tuesday, Trump said all countries would have to either make their products in the U.S. or be subject to tariffs.

“Whatever they tariff us, we tariff them. Whatever they tax us, we tax them,” Trump said. “If they do non-monetary tariffs to keep us out of their market, then we do non-monetary barriers to keep them out of our market. We will take in trillions of dollars and create jobs like we have never seen before.”

The United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement, or USMCA, governs trade between the U.S. and its northern and southern neighbors. It went into force on July 1, 2020. Trump signed the deal. That agreement continued to allow for duty-free trading between the three countries for products largely made in North America.

U.S. goods and services trade with USMCA totaled an estimated $1.8 trillion in 2022. Exports were $789.7 billion and imports were $974.3 billion. The U.S. goods and services trade deficit with USMCA was $184.6 billion in 2022, according to the Office of the United States Trade Representative.

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“Trade-Based Money Laundering IS THE FENTANYL CRISIS”: Sources expose Chinese-Mexican-Canadian Crime Convergence

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Prime Minister Justin Trudeau attends a dinner at the home of a United Front Work Department leader in Vancouver.

‘That famous picture of Trudeau at a Vancouver dinner with all those Chinese guys—They’re all in there’: Source on United Front money laundering suspects surveilled by US Agency

VANCOUVER and TORONTO — As debate rages over President Donald Trump’s disruptive tariffs on Canada, Mexico, and China—whether they represent a genuine war on fentanyl deaths tied to each nation’s role in the deadly supply chain, or merely a pretext for U.S. trade dominance—multiple Canadian and U.S. government sources have stepped forward to highlight a factor they believe North American citizens aren’t grasping amid Trump’s political rhetoric.

They point to the staggering scale and sophistication of trade-based money laundering orchestrated by Chinese Triads in Canada and Mexican cartels. This is a predominant concern in Canada, alongside revelations of so-called fentanyl superlabs hidden in rural areas, yet easily supplied by Canadian transportation hubs—shipping, rail, and trucking networks saturated with organized crime. These sources insist this little-understood form of criminal money laundering not only fuels fentanyl trafficking—ultimately linked to a complicit Beijing—but directly finances drug shipments initiated by Chinese networks in Toronto and Vancouver, sending fentanyl, methamphetamine, and cocaine across the Mexican border into California, specifically to trucking hubs around Los Angeles.

According to the primary source—a Canadian expert familiar with what they classify as an intricate trilateral partnership between Chinese Triads, the Chinese Communist Party’s United Front foreign influence networks, and Latin American cartels—these economic networks have effectively infiltrated multiple industries and commodities markets on Canada’s and Mexico’s west coasts, using them to conceal and amplify proceeds from fentanyl transactions.

In 2023, Canada’s financial watchdog, Fintrac, reported that Chinese networks had evolved beyond traditional casino-based laundering methods in Vancouver and Toronto, now mastering laundering through Canadian banks, law offices, real estate, and diaspora-based fraud networks. Yet according to The Bureau’s criminal intelligence source, these same networks—operating alongside the Sinaloa Cartel—also traffic in a range of commodities, from poached wildlife and agricultural staples like avocados and limes to rare Chinese delicacies such as geoduck, a phallic-shaped clam prized in hot pot and believed to have aphrodisiac properties.

The same source contends that while Canadian government agencies—including the RCMP, Fintrac, CBSA, and CSIS—understand the key players in the fentanyl trade, systemic issues within Canadian policing and prosecution allow these networks to operate with near impunity:

“The RCMP knows they have no framework within the Criminal Code, no resources, and no support from prosecution services. They just have no ability. And this whole thing with Trudeau saying that only 43 kilos of fentanyl—less than one percent—is coming from Canada is such a joke. It’s the interweaving of trade-based money laundering—if the public knew, it would blow their minds. I believe the U.S. government and Trump know it, and that’s why he’s doing what he’s doing.”

Put another way, what this expert and others argue is that the drug and trade wars engulfing the United States and China are not polarities—they are a single, intertwined conflict, with trade-based money laundering as the critical convergence. And the growing concern—that Canadian and Mexican governments might be benefiting from this illicit trade, perhaps even to the point of complicity—cannot be entirely dismissed.

The exposure of Canada’s prime minister to money laundering networks presents a layer of intrigue and troubling optics, likely recognized in Washington, according to four sources across Canada.

The primary source for this story—reinforcing explosive claims by other Canadian police experts in a recent investigation by The Bureau—provided specific new details, identifying major money laundering networks in Vancouver of concern to U.S. authorities. Among them were high-profile suspects openly acknowledged at a fundraising event attended by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.

Specifically, the source identified Chinese individuals who had entered Canada on a private jet flagged by a U.S. government agency, which asked the RCMP to surveil them in Vancouver. These suspects were linked to a commercial real estate investor in Vancouver with direct ties to Beijing, and to organized crime figures connected to Beijing’s United Front in Canada.

The gates of an RCMP targeted property in Richmond, British Columbia.

The same individuals, notorious in elite Canadian enforcement circles, appeared in suspicious transaction reports and were central to a sweeping police intelligence investigation into vulnerabilities in Canada’s banking system. This investigation, known as Project Athena, was a major anti-gang initiative examining reports from Canada’s financial intelligence agency, Fintrac. Project Athena emerged after the collapse of its predecessor case, E-Pirate—reportedly Canada’s largest-ever drug money laundering probe—which targeted Chinese underground bankers in Vancouver and Toronto linked to the Sam Gor network, a Chinese syndicate dominated by the 14K, Big Circle, and Sun Yee On Triads.

As part of Project Athena, investigators uncovered a single money service bureau in Hong Kong that moved CAD $973 million over three years, primarily through Canadian banks. Several United Front and Triad-linked suspects from earlier investigations were tied to these transactions.

“That famous picture of Trudeau at a Vancouver dinner with all those Chinese guys—the ones we all know from various media reports? They’re all in there. They’re all in there moving money around,” the source said. “And this was just one money service bureau. Nearly a billion dollars in three years. So how many others are there?”

Paul King Jin and a number of Toronto and Vancouver-based Sam Gor associates targeted in the E-Pirate probe survived a 2020 gang execution in a Richmond sushi diner; Jin’s alleged underground banking partner Jian Jun Zhu was shot to death.

Buttressing their case, the source pointed to a remarkable cache of technical evidence seized from an underground casino in Richmond, just south of Vancouver, detailing the complexity of trade-based money laundering.

The evidence came from a mid-level Chinese Triad operative working for one of the underground banking bosses exposed in the RCMP’s E-Pirate probe of Sam Gor’s casino money-laundry networks.

In this subsequent investigation into Richmond-based underground casinos, investigators uncovered over 1,000 messages—texts, videos, and calls—confirming what Canadian authorities had long suspected and what American intelligence had warned about: the convergence of Triads and Mexican cartels.

In a microcosm, a mid-level Sam Gor agent in Vancouver and their Mexican cartel counterpart, coordinating major transborder narcotics and money laundering schemes, exemplified how Chinese and Mexican transnational networks dominate North American fentanyl trafficking.

Beyond coded drug negotiations, the messages revealed a broad trafficking scheme involving food and various commodities. As the law enforcement source explained, Triads and cartels exploit these commodities to launder illicit profits, amass market share, and tighten their grip on global supply chains.

The conversations demonstrated how narcotics could be smuggled across the border into California as easily as fresh produce or seafood was funneled into international markets.

“It was stunning, absolutely stunning to see coded drug talk, of course, all of that, the usual stuff that we expected to see—how they were going to get it shipped over the border in Mexico, that they had the ability to deliver into the Los Angeles area just north of Los Angeles,” the Canadian expert recalled. “And they would pick it up at these huge truck stops and they would specify in detail which vehicle. But what was equally stunning, was the fact that these two guys were also involved in a wide array of other items, consumer goods, everything from avocados to limes to geoduck clams to lobster, to anything that made a buck and allowed them to launder funds and to move capital through the system. They were trade-based money laundering experts.”

It was similar to the phenomenon seen domestically with Hells Angels in Vancouver infiltrating trucking and construction—but now expanded internationally via cartels and Triads, triangulating trade between China, Mexico, and Canada, the source argued.

The Triads and cartels use false invoicing and front companies, trade-money laundering experts say, securing meth and fentanyl shipments into the United States in exchange for sending legal commodities to Mexico or China. Drug shipments are often concealed within legitimate and counterfeit goods manufactured in China.

“And so they start taking over industries. That’s why your price of limes is what it is today—because the cartels have cornered the market, trying to put those drug proceeds somewhere. So let’s start buying up commodities and controlling sectors. And that’s what this case was. It confirmed everything we had received and heard from the FBI and DEA in bulletins for many years.”

The source added that while this particular cache of communications involved methamphetamine and cocaine—referred to as “glass” and “girls” in coded narco communications—it did not directly pertain to fentanyl. However, the Triad operator and the Mexican cartel associate appeared to broach the subject, at which point the cartel operative redirected the Canada-based Triad to another handler in Mexico.

“The cartel guy he was speaking with on this particular phone was the one handling coke and meth,” the source said. “So it’s like, ‘Hey, I’m interested in this.’ ‘Oh, I don’t deal with that. That’s my associate. You’ll have to go through someone else.’ They segment it. It’s just such a tapestry—but we’re still asleep at the wheel here.”

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau attends a dinner at the home of a United Front Work Department leader in Vancouver.

Disclosing the stunning connections and scale of Triad influence on Canada’s West Coast, the source said the “underling” whose device was seized—revealing hundreds of money laundering and drug transaction deals between the Triad and a Mexican cartel—was working for one of the targets in the E-Pirate investigation, a Vancouver underground banking boss.

That same boss was tracked by the RCMP in another shocking and illustrative incident involving two Chinese airline pilots passing through Vancouver who were caught smuggling bear-paw parts. Like any other travelers, the Chinese pilots underwent standard security checks and were found carrying contraband poached in Canada. Parts from bears—and even massive polar bear mounts harvested from northern Canada—are sold for significant profits to Chinese buyers, the expert explained.

In this case, when the Chinese pilots were released from jail, the individual who arrived to collect them was an underling of the E-Pirate underground banking boss—a major figure in Chinese organized crime in North America. This individual is also said to be responsible for the large-scale export of luxury vehicles from Vancouver to China, the Canadian expert said.

“We found out that a hundred-thousand-dollar Mercedes here in Vancouver is worth between three and five times that overseas. So there’s your money laundering right there.”

The process operates much like the drug-cash laundering schemes identified by U.S. experts, including former Trump administration senior investigator David Asher. Asher contends that the Department of Justice’s $3 billion USD TD Bank money laundering prosecution exposed how Chinese international students—under the direction of China’s United Front Work Department cells—were tasked with collecting and depositing drug cash into bank accounts, transforming illicit funds into real estate mortgages for powerful Chinese criminals operating behind the scenes.

A similar system using Chinese students operates in Vancouver’s luxury vehicle market and drug cash collection networks, a Canadian expert said, describing it as a “diversification” of narco-laundering.

“So imagine moving a hundred thousand dollars’ worth of capital here and walking away with a $400,000 net profit overseas,” the expert explained. “It’s perfect. Then you buy the chemicals, ship them to Mexico, make the meth, make the fentanyl, and move the product north through the States or by other routes. But that’s the part people are just not connecting and are not willing to contemplate.

“We’ve got to embrace the complexity of it all. Every conceivable way you can think of to move product—that’s what they’re doing. Land, sea, air. Because just like a good corporation or investor diversifies their financial portfolio to limit risk, the same logic applies to fentanyl trafficking.”

Meanwhile, Eastern Canadian counterparts agreed. One source—who could not be identified but has expertise in Canadian mortgage regulations and private due diligence on mortgage lending fraud—provided industry-based insight into the players involved in the RCMP’s Project Athena investigation and related Fintrac reports. These reports examined 48,000 pandemic-era banking transactions within the Chinese diaspora, involving Canadian banks and ‘money mule’ accounts—often fronted by Chinese students—used to fund fraudulent mortgages with funds wired from Hong Kong and China.

The industry source estimated that systemic fraud plagues the Greater Toronto real estate market. According to this source, up to 20 percent of home purchases involve fraudulent mortgage applications.

“I am the street-level witness of how banks finance criminal activity. Extrapolating my findings, the amount of money embedded in Canadian housing is enough to make one weep,” they said, estimating that more than CAD $1 trillion may have been laundered through Toronto real estate in this manner over the past 12 years.

This Greater Toronto mansion was associated with the same Sam Gor Triad networks and United Front operatives active in Vancouver, police and intelligence sources say.

The source affirmed that their knowledge aligns with Fintrac’s findings on underground banking and diaspora lending, noting that beyond the Chinese migrant community, industry experts have identified similar investment and lending schemes within the Indian diaspora. Meanwhile, several Eastern Canadian police sources familiar with Fintrac’s findings on Chinese diaspora money flows—as well as large-scale vehicle theft and trade-based money laundering investigations—said they also believe Greater Toronto is a key money laundering and drug transport hub for the Triad-Cartel nexus, a concern Washington has expressed deep alarm over.

“One thing that isn’t being talked about on this side of the border in this recent activity is the pervasiveness of money laundering and its links to all of the criminality,” one police source said.

Another expert suggested that Greater Toronto could be the largest drug-trafficking market by volume in North America, adding that diaspora-based crime groups exert significant influence over all modes of transportation across Ontario, including air traffic. “So you have a few hundred more officers driving up and down the border routes now?” they said, chuckling derisively.

A U.S. government expert criticized Canada’s government and media—particularly reporting from The Globe and Mail that echoes Prime Minister Trudeau’s seizure data arguments—for failing to grasp the scale of fentanyl and illicit trade, calling the country’s focus on relatively small seizure data misleading.

This expert aligned with Canadian federal law enforcement officials who point to highly sophisticated, trade-based money laundering schemes linking Mexican cartels and Chinese Triad networks operating in Vancouver and Toronto. These networks, the U.S. expert explained, facilitate the cross-border flow of methamphetamine, cocaine, and fentanyl, using multi-commodity trade-based money laundering transactions to disguise their profits.

They suggested that Canada either lacks a full understanding of the issue or is failing to take U.S. concerns seriously. By not adopting a more forthright stance—particularly in assessing the scale of money laundering linked to illicit drugs and organized crime—they believe Canada is ultimately undermining its own interests. Meanwhile, U.S. authorities, they asserted, have a clearer and more comprehensive picture of the problem.

This could explain why, following his unexpected victory in the November 2024 election, President Donald Trump swiftly threatened tariffs on Canada and Mexico—a move that puzzled and stunned most observers.

Two Canadian sources suggested the decision was influenced, at least in part, by a bipartisan congressional report on fentanyl released in December.

“It’s certainly one of the most pressing and high-profile developments in the crisis,” one source said.

The congressional working group behind the report spent months expanding on the Select Committee’s bipartisan investigation, which, for the first time, documented how the Chinese Communist Party directly subsidizes the production of fentanyl precursors and analogues.

Lawmakers are now advancing three bipartisan bills aimed at bolstering law enforcement, expanding sanctions against Chinese-backed entities involved in drug trafficking, and imposing financial penalties on organizations that fail to enforce transparency measures to curb illicit drug flows.

“For too long, China has profited from the destruction of American lives, and the fentanyl crisis they are fueling knows no borders,” said Representative Dan Newhouse, chairman of the congressional working group. “As we continue fighting the immediate threat this drug poses, we are also going after the CCP and its central role in subsidizing, producing, and exporting the precursors that drive this epidemic.”

In response to Trump’s formal imposition of tariffs on Tuesday, Canada’s Finance Ministry issued a statement emphasizing the country’s efforts to combat fentanyl smuggling. “Less than 1 percent of fentanyl and illegal crossings into the United States come from Canada, yet the government launched a $1.3 billion border plan with new choppers, boots on the ground, more coordination, and increased resources to stop the flow of fentanyl,” the statement read.

That same day, U.S. Senator Jeanne Shaheen, ranking member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, issued a sharp rebuke of Trump’s economic policies following his joint address to Congress.

“President Trump’s address this evening laid bare a cynical and profoundly dangerous approach to America’s global leadership,” Shaheen said. “His 25 percent tariffs on Mexico and Canada—our closest trading partners—threaten to unravel decades of economic cooperation and will inevitably result in economic consequences for American workers and businesses.”

But a Canadian expert dismissed Canada’s efforts as insufficient.

“If you really want to do something lasting here—I mean, I don’t want to sound like I’m pro-Trump in that sense—but you’d have to have a leader in this country willing to crack open the Charter and the criminal code and make radical changes,” the expert said. “This is stuff Canada should have addressed 25 years ago. But through successive liberal governments, we’ve allowed it to continue, and now we’re caught with our pants down.

“If we think we can just start throwing numbers at this and that’ll fix it, that’s a mistake,” the expert continued. “The problem is the framework in Canada—it has made this attractive. The police know what’s going on, but they don’t have the tools to prosecute and disincentivize this. Trump knows this. Imagine it from his perspective: He’s surrounded by weaklings exploiting and killing Americans. He’s not wrong.”

Underscoring the paralysis of Canada’s federal police under the current legal framework, the source reiterated that a broken prosecutorial system not only fails to secure charges against entrenched Chinese and Mexican criminal networks but refuses to even consider cases.

“This is what happens when you’ve got such a decayed system—whether it’s the Charter of Rights, the Criminal Code, the prosecution services, or just the broader demoralization of policing, compounded by chronic resourcing issues for years,” the primary source for this story said. “They just go for the easy stuff. Anything complex—they don’t touch it. I don’t think they’ve tackled a serious file since the E-Pirate case collapsed. The prosecution service basically said, ‘Look, we’re dealing with the same resourcing issues. Don’t send us these complex files. We can’t handle anything with more than three names listed in your report.’”

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