News
ASIRT report released on incident which left Const. Dan Woodall dead
On June 8, 2015, pursuant to section 46.1 of the Police Act, the Alberta Serious Incident Response Team (ASIRT) was directed to investigate the circumstances surrounding the death of Norman Walter Raddatz following an incident involving the Edmonton Police Service (EPS) and the attempted execution of an arrest warrant that resulted in the death of one officer, Const. Daniel Woodall, and the serious injury of another officer.
When a person dies in the custody of police, ASIRT might be directed to investigate whether police conduct caused or contributed to the death of a person, and if so, whether the police conduct was lawful. In cases such as this, when police have surrounded a residence with the intent to apprehend someone inside, that is considered an “in custody” event as the subject is contained and his or her movements are controlled such that he or she is not free to exit the residence and leave the area. That was the situation on June 8, 2015 with Norman Raddatz.
At the time of this incident, Raddatz was 42 years old, divorced and living alone in his house in the west end of Edmonton. He had no criminal record but for a single conviction in 1991 for an impaired driving-related offence. He had continuing disputes with bylaw enforcement regarding the parking of a recreational vehicle and the maintenance of his property, and had six convictions for bylaw offences in the preceding three months.
In April 2015, EPS received a complaint from an Edmonton man that Raddatz had been posting anti-Semitic comments and hate-filled messages online. The complainant and Raddatz had been friends but the relationship deteriorated in 2012 after Raddatz found out that the complainant was Jewish and also as a result of a dispute over money. The complainant feared for his safety, particularly if Raddatz had been drinking.
In addition to the online activity in relation to the complainant, Raddatz also frequently conveyed anti-banking institution and anti-bylaw enforcement/government messages.
After an investigation, police felt there was sufficient evidence to charge Raddatz with criminal harassment in relation to the continued online messaging. An outstanding warrant for a bylaw offence was also located. On June 8, 2015, EPS officers went to Raddatz’s home to place him under arrest.
They arrived on scene and knocked on the door of the home. Raddatz came to the front door but refused to open it to speak with police. EPS members identified themselves as police officers and advised Raddatz that they were there for a serious matter and would like to speak with him. They advised him that they needed to speak with him, that he was going to be placed under arrest for criminal harassment but that they were going to release him on a document called a Promise to Appear, meaning that it was not their intention to hold him in custody. Raddatz refused to open the door, prompting officers to tell Raddatz that they would get a warrant to enter and arrest him, if necessary. Raddatz responded, ”Go get a warrant, I’m not opening the door.” At the time, Raddatz appeared sober and calm — albeit uncooperative.
Although it took a little over one hour, the involved officers ultimately obtained the necessary warrant to enter the home to make the arrest.
During the time that the warrant was being obtained, Raddatz was speaking with the officers and observed through windows to be walking throughout the residence. His behaviour didn’t raise any concerns at the time and Raddatz didn’t make any threatening comments that suggested he would become violent. Raddatz told officers to leave his property until they had a warrant.
Once officers obtained the warrant, they went to a window and showed Raddatz the actual document, in the hope that he would surrender without the necessity of a forcible entry into the home. There was a conversation about the warrant as Raddatz could not see where it referred to criminal harassment and the document was explained to him. Raddatz chose not to open the door and/or surrender, even after being advised that police would forcibly enter the home if he did not comply. He replied with an expletive, “This is _____,” and walked away, out of view, immediately before the officers proceeded to attempt entry.
Four officers were standing at the front door when they tried entering the home using a battering ram. The door was struck three times and almost contemporaneous with the third strike, Raddatz fired shots through the front door, striking two of the four officers. Both officers were wearing their police-issued body armour. One officer sustained a single gunshot wound to the lower torso while the second officer, Const. Dan Woodall, sustained fatal injuries as a result of multiple gunshot wounds. Raddatz continued to fire at officers positioned outside the residence for an extended period of time. Many of those shots penetrated nearby vehicles and residences.
Not a single shot was fired by any member of the Edmonton Police Service. This was confirmed by all the evidence, including that of civilian witnesses in the area. At no time did any of the officers have a safe opportunity to do so, as they never actually saw Raddatz again after their conversation with him through the window.
During the ensuing standoff, Raddatz continued to fire shots from his residence. After some time, smoke was seen coming from inside the home. It became apparent that a fire had started within the home. Officers had no way of knowing where Raddatz was within the home, making it impossible to ensure safe entry to secure him without unreasonable risk to the lives and safety of others. Officers and firefighters were left with the only option to wait. Given Raddatz’s continuing unrestrained, uncontrolled and unpredictable shooting from inside the home, it was not possible for firefighters to even approach to try to control or put out the fire without placing themselves at imminent risk of death or serious bodily harm.
In these circumstances, the fire ultimately consumed the entire home without police and first responders having any idea of Raddatz’s location, or what had taken place inside the residence.The residence was safely entered the next day by Edmonton Fire personnel, police and ASIRT investigators who were on scene.
Once entry was made, evidence of a homemade bomb was located in what was believed to have been a front closet. The remains of a dog were found in the kitchen area. The dog had been shot. Raddatz’s remains were recovered in an area of the house that was believed to have been a bedroom. Parts of multiple firearms that survived the fire were located within the residence, including one found in close proximity to where the remains were located.
An autopsy conducted by the Office of the Chief Medical Examiner determined that Raddatz died of a self-inflicted gunshot wound to his head. Additionally, the autopsy found no soot in his airway, which would suggest that he died prior to fire overtaking the area he was in and, as such, the fire played no role in his death.
Examining the conduct of the involved police officers, it is beyond question that all the officers were lawfully placed and engaged in the lawful execution of their duties. Having obtained the warrant, they had the lawful authority to enter the home and arrest Raddatz. Nothing they did in their attempt to do so exceeded their lawful authority or was unreasonable. There is no evidence or even reasonable suspicion to believe that the officers did anything wrong that day that caused or contributed to the death of Raddatz.
Words will never fully express the magnitude of the tragedy on this day and the countless lives that were impacted and changed. ASIRT extends its condolences to the Raddatz family, as Norman Raddatz’s actions were his own, not those of his family members, who were among those left devastated by his actions.
Our sincere condolences are also extended to the family of Const. Daniel Woodall in their senseless and unimaginable loss of a husband, father and son. They have shown considerable grace and strength throughout this time. Our hearts go out to all the involved officers that day and their families during this unspeakably horrific event and its aftermath, the Edmonton Police Service as a whole, and to the Alberta policing community. This case is a stark reminder of the potential risks law enforcement face everyday as they work to keep our communities safe.
Business
CBC uses tax dollars to hire more bureaucrats, fewer journalists
By Jen Hodgson
The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation is using taxpayer money to pad its bureaucracy, while reducing the number of journalists on staff, according to access-to-information records obtained by the Canadian Taxpayers Federation.
“CBC defends its very existence based on its journalism, but its number of journalists are going down while its bureaucracy keeps getting bigger and taxpayer costs keeps going up,” said Franco Terrazzano, CTF Federal Director. “Why does the government keep giving CBC more taxpayer money if barely anyone is watching and its number of journalists keeps going down?”
The CBC employed 745 staff with “journalist” or “reporter” in their job title in 2021. That number dropped to 649 by 2025, the records obtained by the CTF show. Of the 6,100 total employees disclosed by the records, just 11 per cent of CBC staff had “journalist” or “reporter” as their job title in 2025, according to the records.
Even journalist roles such as editors, producers and hosts declined between 2021 and 2025.
While the number of journalists employed by the state broadcaster fell, the number of other bureaucrats grew. The total number of CBC management positions increased to 949 in 2025, up from 935 in 2021.
Bureaucratic roles such as “administrators,” “advisors,” “analysts” and sales staff all increased steadily during the same period.
Management positions saw the steepest growth, with titles like “national director,” “project lead,” “senior manager” and “supervisor” leading the surge.
These trends undermine the CBC’s long-standing claim that its frontline journalism justifies its existence. Despite bureaucratic bloat and fewer journalism positions, the CBC continues to promote its news coverage as a reason it deserves more than $1 billion in annual taxpayer funding.
Separate access-to-information records obtained by the CTF show further proof of CBC’s bloated bureaucracy.
The CBC has more than 250 directors, 450 managers and 780 producers who are paid more than $100,000 per year.
The CBC also employed 130 advisers, 81 analysts, 120 hosts, 80 project leads, 30 lead architects, 25 supervisors, among other positions, who were paid more than $100,000 last year, according to access-to-information records. The CBC redacted the roles for more than 200 employees.
CBC’s CEO Marie-Philippe Bouchard insists the broadcaster is a “precious public asset” that provides “trustworthy news and information.”
CBC’s previous CEO, Catherine Tait, made similar comments throughout her 6.5-year tenure.
“A Canada without the CBC is a Canada without local news [in some places],” Tait said in 2022. If funding were withheld, there would be “fewer journalists to hold decision-makers at all levels to account.”’
“Local news is absolutely at the core of what we do,” Tait said in a 2020 interview. “Canadians are coming to the CBC in numbers like we’ve never seen before.”
However, CBC News Network only accounts for about 1.8 per cent of TV audience share, according to its own data.
Meanwhile, taxpayer funding to CBC will surpass $1.4 billion this year, according to the federal government’s Main Estimates. The broadcaster has spent about $5.4 billion of taxpayers’ money over the last five years, according to the government of Canada.
Prime Minister Mark Carney claimed “our public broadcaster is underfunded” during the federal election. He pledged an initial $150-million annual funding increase and said that number could rise even higher.
CBC paid out $18.4 million in bonuses in 2024 after it eliminated hundreds of jobs. Following backlash from across the political spectrum, CBC ended its bonuses and handed out record high pay raises costing $37.7 million.
“Taxpayers shouldn’t have to pay for an office full of middle managers pretending to be reporters,” Terrazzano said. “The CBC’s own records prove it has fat to cut and if Carney is serious about saving money, he would force CBC to cut its bureaucratic bloat.
“Or better yet, Carney should defund the CBC.”
Internet
It’s only a matter of time before the government attaches strings to mainstream media subsidies
Misinformation is not exclusive to alternative online news organizations
In a previous world, whether they succeeded or failed at that was really no one’s business, at least provided the publisher wasn’t knowingly spreading false information intended to do harm. That is against the law, as outlined in Section 372 of the Criminal Code, which states:
“Everyone commits an offence who, with intent to injure or alarm a person, conveys information that they know is false, or causes such information to be conveyed by letter or any means of telecommunication.”
Do that, and you can be imprisoned for up to two years.
But if a publisher was simply offering poorly researched, unbalanced journalism, and wave after wave of unchallenged opinion pieces with the ability to pervert the flow of information and leave the public with false or distorted impressions of the world, he or she was free to do so. Freedom of the press and all that.
The broadcasting world has always been different. Licensed by the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC), content produced there must, according to the Broadcasting Act, be of “high standard”—something that the CRTC ensures through its proxy content regulator, the Canadian Broadcast Standards Council (CBSC).
Its most recent decision, for instance, condemned Sportsnet Ontario for failing to “provide a warning before showing scenes of extraordinary violence” when it broadcast highlights of UFC mixed martial arts competitions during morning weekend hours when children could watch. If you don’t understand how a warning would have prevented whatever trauma the highlights may have caused or how that might apply to the internet, take comfort in the fact that you aren’t alone.
The CRTC now has authority over all video and audio content posted digitally through the Online Streaming Act, and while it has not yet applied CRTC-approved CBSC standards to it, it’s probably only a matter of time before it does.
The same will—in my view—eventually take place regarding text news content. Since it has become a matter of public interest through subsidies, it’s inevitable that “high standard” expectations will be attached to eligibility. In other words, what once was nobody’s business is now everybody’s business. Freedom of the, er, press and all that.

Alberta Premier Danielle Smith
Which raises the point: is the Canadian public well informed by the news industry, and who exactly will be the judge of that now that market forces have been, if not eliminated, at least emasculated?
For instance, as former Opposition leader Preston Manning recently wondered on Substack, how can it be that “62 per cent of Ontarians,” according to a Pollara poll, believe Alberta Premier Danielle Smith to be a separatist?
“The truth is that Premier Smith—whom I’ve known personally for a long time—is not a separatist and has made that clear on numerous occasions to the public, the media, and anyone who asks her,” he wrote.
I, too, have been acquainted for many years with the woman Globe and Mailcolumnist Andrew Coyne likes to call “Premier Loon” and have the same view as Manning, whom I have also known for many years: Smith is not a separatist.
Manning’s theory is that there are three reasons for Ontarians’ disordered view—the first two being ignorance and indifference.
The third and greatest, he wrote, is “misinformation—not so much misinformation transmitted via social media, because it is especially older Ontarians who believe the lie about Smith—but misinformation fed into the minds of Ontarians via the traditional media” which includes CBC, CTV, Global, and “the Toronto-based, legacy print media.”
No doubt, some members of those organizations would protest and claim the former Reform Party leader is the cause of all the trouble.
Such is today’s Canada, where the flying time between Calgary and Toronto is roughly the same as between London and Moscow, and the sense of east-west cultural dislocation is at times similar. As Rudyard Kipling determined, the twain shall never meet “till earth and sky stand presently at God’s great judgment seat.”
This doesn’t mean easterners and westerners can’t get along. Heavens no. But what it does illustrate is that maybe having editorial coverage decisions universally made in Hogtown about Cowtown (the author’s outdated terminology), Halifax, St John’s, Yellowknife, or Prince Rupert isn’t helping national unity. It is ridiculous, when you think about it, that anyone believes a vast nation’s residents could have compatible views when key decisions are limited to those perched six degrees south of the 49th parallel within earshot of Buffalo.
But CTV won’t change. Global can’t. The Globe is a Toronto newspaper, and most Postmedia products have become stripped-down satellites condemned to eternally orbit 365 Bloor Street East.
The CRTC is preoccupied with finding novel ways to subsidize broadcasters to maintain a status quo involving breakfast shows. So we can’t expect any changes there, nor can we from the major publishers.
Which leaves the job to the CBC, whose job it has always been to make sure the twain could meet. That makes it fair to assume Manning will be writing for many years to come about Toronto’s mainstream media and misinformation about the West.
(Peter Menzies is a commentator and consultant on media, Macdonald-Laurier Institute Senior Fellow, a past publisher of the Calgary Herald, a former vice chair of the CRTC and a National Newspaper Award winner.)
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