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Suspects in Calgary, Airdrie and Red Deer Jewelry store thefts nabbed with help of HAWCS Helicopter


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News release from the RCMP – Southern Alberta District Crime Reduction Unit

Southern Alberta RCMP Crime Reduction Unit lay charges in string of jewelry store thefts

On Nov. 24, 2021 the Southern Alberta Crime Reduction Unit (SACRU) with assistance from the Airdrie RCMP General Investigation Section (GIS) and Calgary Police Service (CPS) arrested two males wanted on warrants as well as alleged to have committed five separate jewelry store “grab and go” occurrences between Oct. 4, 2021 and Nov. 24, 2021 in Calgary, Airdrie and Red Deer.

The incidents occurred in Calgary on Oct. 4, Red Deer Oct. 8, Airdrie, Alta. Oct. 16, Calgary Nov. 13 and Red Deer Nov. 24, 2021.

While investigating a separate incident south of Red Deer on Nov. 24, 2021, at approximately 2 p.m., SACRU responded to a request from Red Deer RCMP to be on the lookout for a silver grey sedan believed to have been used to flee from a theft from a business in Red Deer. SACRU members spotted the vehicle on Highway 2 and followed the vehicle with the help of HAWCS to a residence in northwest Calgary where two males were then taken into custody by SACRU.  A search warrant was obtained and executed on the residence and a ring worth $2,500.00 confirmed stolen from the Red Deer jewelry store theft was seized.

A Nissan Maxima, various pieces of stolen identification, Peace Officer’s uniform, wallet, and keys to a Saturn vehicle, along with other items not related to the Nov. 24 incident, including small amounts of cocaine and meth were also seized.

Michael McKie (53) was arrested on three warrants out of Calgary and has been charged with the following in relation to the new incidents:

  • Theft Over $5,000 (x5)
  • Possession of stolen property over $5,000
  • Possession of Stolen Property Under $5,000.00 (x2)
  • Unlawful possession of a controlled substance
  • Fail to comply with release order

Carl Quesnell (49) was arrested on an outstanding warrant from Calgary and has been charged with new offences in relation to this incident of:

  • Theft Over $5,000.00
  • Unlawful possession of a controlled substance
  • Fail to comply with release order

After a judicial hearing, McKie and Quesnell did not speak to bail. They were both remanded to appear in Red Deer Provincial Court on Dec. 14, 2021.

SACRU is looking for the owners of several drills and a battery booster pack that was recovered.  The Hilti drill has the name “Brett” on it and the battery booster pack has “WOOL #112”.

If you believe these items are yours, please contact Cst. Kim or Sgt. Maclaren at 403-420-4883.

As these matters are now before the courts, no further details can be provided.


After 15 years as a TV reporter with Global and CBC and as news director of RDTV in Red Deer, Duane set out on his own 2008 as a visual storyteller. During this period, he became fascinated with a burgeoning online world and how it could better serve local communities. This fascination led to Todayville, launched in 2016.

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Commons Speaker reflects on dispute over secret documents on scientists’ firing

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OTTAWA — Anthony Rota didn’t relish being the first Speaker in more than a century to publicly rebuke a veteran civil servant for doing what he believed was his legally required duty.

But as Speaker of the House of Commons, it fell to Rota to do the bidding of the combined opposition parties last June after they joined forces to order the president of the Public Health Agency of Canada to be hauled before the bar of the House.

Iain Stewart, the first non-MP to be subjected to such treatment in more than 100 years, stood impassively at the brass rail at the entrance to the Commons as Rota reprimanded him for PHAC’s “contempt” of Parliament.

“Remember when you were a kid your parents would tell you, ‘This is going to hurt me a lot more than it’s going to hurt you?'” Rota said in a recent interview recalling that day.

“This is not something that I enjoyed, let’s put it that way.”

Stewart had earned the wrath of opposition parties by steadfastly refusing to comply with multiple House and Commons committee orders to produce unredacted documents related to the firing of two scientists from Canada’s highest-security laboratory.

Stewart had insisted he was bound by law to protect national security and privacy rights. And he was backed up by Justice Department lawyers who told MPs they had never accepted the long-held principle, sacrosanct to parliamentarians, that the House of Commons is supreme and has unfettered power to demand the production of any documents it sees fit, no matter how sensitive and regardless of any law.

But as Speaker, Rota had no choice but to defend the principle of parliamentary privilege and to reprimand Stewart, as ordered by a motion passed by opposition parties over the objections of the minority Liberal government.

“We can’t always do what we like. We have to do what our job entails,” he observed.

Rota’s job got even more difficult a few days after Stewart’s public shaming. The Liberal government applied to the Federal Court of Canada to keep the documents under wraps on the grounds that disclosure would be “injurious to international relations or national defence or national security.”

Rota, who is himself a Liberal MP, was named as the respondent in the case. He told MPs he would “fight tooth and nail” to protect the principle that the judiciary has no jurisdiction over the operations of the House.

The government dropped the court application after Prime Minister Justin Trudeau called an election in August, dissolving Parliament and thus terminating all business before the House, including the orders to produce the PHAC documents.

Had the case proceeded, Rota would have been running for re-election as a Liberal at the same time as he was fighting the Liberal government in court. But he shrugs off suggestion that would have been awkward.

“You have to separate process from politics and the process in the chamber, that’s where my duties were as the Speaker,” Rota said in the interview.

“I can’t say that I agreed with (the decision to apply to the court) but it was a decision that they made and as Speaker I had to defend the privilege of the House and the decision that the House made, which I felt very comfortable doing.”

Indeed, he said it might have been useful if the case had proceeded, to get some judicial clarity on whether the House of Commons is, as MPs insist, a law unto itself or is constrained by the very laws they pass on things like national security that apply to everyone else.

“The clarity might not be a bad thing,” he said.

That said, Rota believes the process “played out the way it should.” The government has not divulged documents it believes should remain confidential and the House has not conceded its right or power to demand to see them.

“Personally I would have liked to have seen a little bit more negotiations amongst the parties and they could have come to an agreement,” he said.

“But when you’re leading up to an election you can understand that there are certain stances that have to be taken on both sides and that kind of impeded the negotiations, let’s say.”

With the election now out of the way, Rota is hopeful the two sides will eventually reach a compromise that enables opposition MPs, with appropriate safeguards, to finally view the documents they hope will shed light on why scientists Xiangguo Qiu and her husband, Keding Cheng, were escorted out of Winnipeg’s National Microbiology Laboratory in July 2019 and subsequently fired in January 2021.

They also want to see documents related to the transfer, overseen by Qiu, of deadly Ebola and Henipah viruses to China’s Wuhan Institute of Virology in March 2019.

Because the new House is almost identical to the one it replaced, Rota said MPs have “kind of picked up where they were before” the election.

Still, he believes there’s been a somewhat less partisan tone during the four brief weeks the House has sat so far.

“The hyperpartisanship that’s there just before an election has kind of subsided,” he said. “With the new Parliament, they’ve kind of toned it down a bit.”

So far, however, the PHAC documents issue remains unresolved.

Rota has rejected a Conservative bid to revive the House order for the documents, ruling that the order expired when Parliament was dissolved for the election. The Conservatives are now reviewing their “next steps” to pull the wraps off what they call a Liberal coverup.

Government House leader Mark Holland, meanwhile, has proposed a compromise: creating a special, security-cleared, all-party committee to view the unredacted documents, aided by a panel of three former senior judges who would decide what information could be made public and how.

The Conservatives have rejected that offer but the NDP and Bloc Québécois have not yet responded.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Dec. 20, 2021.

Joan Bryden, The Canadian Press

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Owner of FormulaTV David Kezerashvili Responds: We Will Continue To Broadcast

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A recent Georgia law case involving the owner of FormulaTV, David Kezerashvili, has made headlines all over the world questioning if the allegations are a politically-motivated act against critical media and an attempt to close FormulaTV, and other private media in Georgia.

FormulaTV is a private media company founded in 2019 and majority-owned by Kezerashvili. It is considered an opposition network with a history of criticism against Prime Minister Irakli Gharibashvili. Commenting on the situation, Kezerashvili says that FormulaTV will continue to broadcast and uphold its duty to serve the Georgian people as an independent medium. The possibility that the case against Kezerashvili is, in fact, a bid to exert more government control over private media is particularly disconcerting given Georgia’s history in this area. Many prominent outlets and individual journalists have had run-ins with the Government over the past several years in particular. Together these incidents form a trend toward less freedom of speech.

Independent private media is important to a democracy, but the government should not interfere. They present a risk not only because of direct intervention, but also because of policies and general pressure applied on all types of media companies. With the increasing pressure, it is reasonable to suspect that there will be more cases of exploitation like those of Kezerashvili and FormulaTV in the future.

The timing of the lawsuit during the pre-election season has fueled conjecture that it is designed to put pressure on a critical broadcaster. This new case in the run-up to the elections came just a few days after FormulaTV aired an exit-poll report indicating that the ruling party would not garner enough votes. According to FormulaTV and its owner, Mr. Kezerashvili, this is merely an attempt to shut down another private media outlet.

FormulaTV The Latest in Long Pattern of Government Interference

These allegations from Kezerashvili against the government are worth considering. This is especially so when placed in the larger historical context. The relationship between private media and the Georgian government has not been positive. Past examples inline with the allegations include:


In 2007 the shutdown of Imedia was justified by, then, Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili on the basis of alleged Russian interference. Imedia is an independent television, and radio company.

TV 8

TV8 was shut down in 2009 following supposed tax infractions. They also, allegedly, refused to submit records to the government authorities.

Rustavi 2

The most significant example is Rustavi 2. It was the largest independent television station in Georgia. Rustavi 2 had been broadcasting anti-government content since its foundation in 1994. As one of the oldest independent media outlets, Government action against the station was particularly alarming. The pressure began with a 2009 condemnation by, then, Prime Minister Lado Gurgenidze.

This rhetoric escalated with, then, Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili denouncing Rustavi 2 in 2013. In 2016, there was an attempt by the Georgian government to seize the station. Eventually the attempt was rebuffed by a ruling in the European Court of Human Rights in 2017. The actions against these stations show a clear pattern of the government leveraging its power against private media in Georgia.

Just How Much Is the Government Involved with Private Media Today?

The Georgian Government’s history with private media does not immediately mean that this current case with FormulaTV is similar. However, it certainly fits the pattern that has been established over recent years. There are still many vocal critics today that say many actions from both the current government and other parties are leveraging the legal system against each other by taking actions against supporters and critics. While the latest attempt to silence FormulaTV has failed, the Georgian government has shown significant success in silencing private media in the past. While the outcome is far from clear at this point, Kezerashvili has made it clear in his statement that he intends to continue operating FormulaTV without bowing to government pressure. The treatment of private media is hardly a suitable area for the government to take these kinds of actions in.

Freedom of the press is a major factor in democracy’s success and if Georgia wants to keep up their ties to the West, they must defend the right of journalists to express themselves through free speech.

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