Fraser Institute
Other countries with universal health care don’t have Canada’s long wait times

From the Fraser Institute
By Mackenzie Moir and Bacchus Barua
Unfortunately it’s now very common to see stories about how long provincial wait times for medical care are driving patients to seek care elsewhere, often at great personal cost. Take the recent case of the Milburns in Manitoba who, after waiting years for a knee surgery, are now considering selling their home and moving to Alberta just to get on a potentially shorter public wait list.
Patients in Manitoba could expect to wait a median of 29 weeks to see an orthopedic specialist after a referral from a family physician, then they still faced a median 24.4 week wait to get treatment. In other words, the total typical wait for orthopedic surgery in the province is more than one year at 53.4 weeks. Remember, that’s a median measure, which means some patients wait much longer.
Unfortunately, the Milburns are unlikely to get more timely care on the public wait list in Alberta. At 64.1 weeks, the total median wait for orthopedic care in Alberta was actually longer than in Manitoba. And this doesn’t include the time it takes for provincial coverage to activate for a new provincial resident, or the time it will take to find a new family doctor and get the necessary tests, scans and referrals.
To get more timely care, the Milburns are left with unenviable options. Because they’re insured by Manitoba’s public health-care plan, paying for covered care out of pocket is restricted. They can, however, pay for and receive care privately in other provinces as uninsured visitors (i.e. not move there permanently). Specifically, certain provinces have “exemptions” that allow physicians to charge out-of-province patients directly to provide these procedures privately.
Alternatively, the Milburns could leave Canada and travel even further from home to receive timely care abroad.
But it doesn’t have to be this way.
Long wait times are not the necessary price Canadians must pay for universal coverage. In fact, Canada is one of 30 high-income countries with universal health care. Other countries such as Switzerland, the Netherlands, Germany and Australia have much shorter wait times. For example, only 62 per cent of Canadians reported access to non-emergency surgery in less than four months in 2020 compared to 99 per cent of Germans, 94 per cent of Swiss and 72 per cent of Australians.
The difference? These countries approach health care in a fundamentally different way than us. One notable difference is their attitude towards the private sector.
In Germany, patients can seek private care while still insured by the public system or can opt out and purchase regulated private coverage. These approaches (universal, privately paid or privately insured) are able to deliver rapid access to care. The Swiss simply mandate that patients purchase private insurance in a regulated-but-competitive marketplace as part of their universal scheme. Lower-income families receive a subsidy so they can participate on a more equal footing in the competitive marketplace to obtain the insurance that best fits their needs.
Perhaps the most direct comparator to Canada is Australia—not just geographically, but because it also primarily relies on a tax-funded universal health-care system. However, unlike Canada, individuals can purchase private insurance to cover (among other things) care received as a private patient in a public or private hospital, or simply pay for their private care directly if they choose. In 2021/22 more than two-thirds (70 per cent) of non-emergency admissions to a hospital involving surgery (both publicly and privately funded) took place in a private facility.
Of course, these faster-access countries share other differences in attitudes to universal health-care policy including requirements to share the cost of care for patients and funding hospitals on the basis of activity (instead of Canada’s outdated bureaucratically-determined budgets). A crucial difference, however, is that patients are not generally prevented from paying privately for health care in their home province (or canton or state) in any of these countries.
Without fundamental reform, and as provincial systems continue to struggle to provide basic non-emergency care, we’ll continue to see more stories like the Milburn’s. Without reform, many Canadians will continue to be forced to make similarly absurd decisions to get the care they need, rather than focusing on treatment and recovery.
Authors:
Business
Next federal government should reverse Ottawa’s plastics ban

From the Fraser Institute
By Julio Mejía and Elmira Aliakbari
As noted by the Trudeau government, plastic substitutes contribute to lower air quality and “typically have higher climate change impacts” due to higher GHG emissions.
Recently at the White House, President Donald Trump signed an executive order reversing the Biden administration’s plan to phase out plastic straws. The Trudeau government, however, continues with its plan to ban single-use plastics, even though this prohibition will have minimal impact worldwide, will actually increase waste in Canada, and force a transition to alternatives that impose greater environmental harm. Rather than doubling down on a flawed policy, the next federal government should reverse Trudeau’s plastic ban.
In 2021, the Trudeau government classified plastic items as “toxic,” paving the way for the ban on the manufacturing, importing and selling of checkout bags, cutlery, stir sticks and straws—all single-use plastics. In 2023, the Federal Court deemed the designation “unreasonable and unconstitutional”—but the Trudeau government defended the measure and is appealing, with a ruling expected this year.
According to the latest available data, Canada’s contributes 0.04 per cent to global plastic waste. The United States contributes 0.43 per cent—more than 10 times Canada’s share. But neither country is a major contributor to global plastic waste.
According to a 2024 article published in Nature, a leading scientific journal, no western country ranks among the top 90 global plastic polluters, thanks to their near-total waste collection and controlled disposal systems. Conversely, eight countries—India, Nigeria, Indonesia, China, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Russia and Brazil—generate more than half of global plastic waste. And nearly 75 per cent of the world’s ocean plastic comes from Asia with only six countries (Philippines, India, Malaysia, China, Indonesia and Myanmar) accounting for most of the world’s ocean plastic pollution.
The Trudeau government’s own science assessment, cited in the court appeal, states that 99 per cent of Canada’s plastic waste is already disposed of safely through recycling, incinerating and environmentally-friendly landfills. Despite these facts, plastic has become a target for blanket restrictions without fully considering its benefits or the downsides of switching to alternatives.
Consider this. Plastics are lightweight, durable and indispensable to modern life. From medical devices, food packaging, construction materials, textiles, electronics and agricultural equipment, plastics play a critical role in sectors that improve living standards.
Alternatives to plastic come with their own environmental cost. Again, according to the government’s own analysis, banning single-use plastics will actually increase waste generation rather than reduce it. While the government expects to remove 1.5 million tonnes of plastics by 2032 with the prohibition, it will generate nearly twice as much that weight in waste from alternatives such as paper, wood and aluminum over the same period. Put simply, the ban will result in more, not less, waste in Canada.
And there’s more. Studies suggest that plastic substitutes such as paper are heavier, require more water and energy to be produced, demand more energy to transport, contribute to greater smog formation, present more ozone depletion potential and result in higher greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions.
As noted by the Trudeau government, plastic substitutes contribute to lower air quality and “typically have higher climate change impacts” due to higher GHG emissions.
While plastic pollution is a pressing global environmental issue, Canada is not a major contributor to this problem. The rationale behind the Trudeau government’s plastic ban lacks foundation, and as major economies including the U.S. go back to plastic, Canada’s plastic prohibition becomes increasingly futile. The next federal government, whoever that may be, should reverse this plastic ban, which will do more harm than good.
Business
Next federal government has to unravel mess created by 10 years of Trudeau policies

From the Fraser Institute
It’s no exaggeration to describe the Trudeau years as almost a “lost decade” for Canadian prosperity.
The Justin Trudeau era is ending, after nine-and-a-half years as prime minister. His exit coincides with the onset of a trade crisis with the United States. Trudeau leaves behind a stagnant Canadian economy crippled by dwindling productivity, a long stretch of weak business investment, and waning global competitiveness. These are problems Trudeau chose to ignore throughout his tenure. His successors will not have that luxury.
It’s no exaggeration to describe the Trudeau years as almost a “lost decade” for Canadian prosperity. Measured on a per-person basis, national income today is barely higher than it was in 2015, after stripping out the effects of inflation. On this core metric of citizen wellbeing, Canada has one of the worst records among all advanced economies. We have fallen far behind the U.S., where average real income has grown by 15 per cent over the same period, and most of Europe and Japan, where growth has been in the range of 5-6 per cent.
Meanwhile, Ottawa’s debt has doubled on Trudeau’s watch, and both federal government spending and the size of the public service have ballooned, even as service levels have generally deteriorated. Housing in Canada has never been more expensive relative to average household incomes, and health care has never been harder to access. The statistics on crime point to a decline in public safety in the last decade.
Reviving prosperity will be the most critical task facing Trudeau’s successor. It won’t be easy, due in part to a brewing trade war with the U.S. and the retreat from open markets and free trade in much of the world. But a difficult external environment is no reason for Canada to avoid tackling the domestic impediments that discourage economic growth, business innovation and entrepreneurial wealth creation.
In a recent study, a group of economists and policy advisors outlined an agenda for renewed Canadian prosperity. Several of their main recommendations are briefly summarized below.
Return to the balanced budget policies embraced by the Chretien/Martin and Harper governments from 1995 to 2015. Absent a recession, the federal government should not run deficits. And the next government should eliminate ineffective spending programs and poor-performing federally-funded agencies.
Reform and reduce both personal and business income taxes. Canada’s overall income tax system is increasingly out of line with global best practise and has become a major barrier to attracting private-sector investment, top talent and world-class companies. A significant overhaul of the country’s tax policies is urgently needed.
Retool Ottawa’s existing suite of climate and energy policies to reduce the economic damage done by the long list of regulations, taxes, subsidies and other measures adopted Trudeau. Canada should establish realistic goals for lowering greenhouse gas emissions, not politically manufactured “targets” that are manifestly out of reach. Our climate policy should reflect the fact that Canada’s primary global comparative advantage is as a producer and exporter of energy and energy-intensive goods, agri-food products, minerals and other industrial raw materials which collectively supply more than half of the country’s exports.
Finally, take a knife to interprovincial barriers to trade, investment and labour mobility. These long-standing internal restrictions on commerce increase prices for consumers, inhibit the growth of Canadian-based companies, and result in tens of billions of dollars in lost economic output. The next federal government should lead a national effort to strengthen the Canadian “common market” by eliminating such barriers.
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