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JCCF urges Government to amend Alberta’s Public Health act to protect freedoms

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From the Justice Centre for Constitutional Freedoms (JCCF)

Legislative Proposals: Protecting citizens’ freedoms during a public health emergency

Without amendments to Alberta’s Public Health Act, Alberta’s Chief Medical Officer of Health (CMOH) is now in a position to exercise near-absolute power over the lives of millions of Albertans, for an indefinite period of time, if he or she determines that a public health emergency exists.  This dangerous situation has been exposed as the result of the Alberta Court of King’s Bench interpretation of the Public Health Act in Ingram v. Alberta (Chief Medical Officer of Health), 2020 ABQB 806 (CanLII).

Two aspects of the Public Health Act, as interpreted in the Ingram court ruling, are particularly troubling.

First, the Court ruled that elected representatives should have no effective oversight over health orders that violate the fundamental Charter freedoms of conscience, religion, expression, association and peaceful assembly.  Implicitly, the Court appears to have ruled that the CMOH may, without any oversight from legislators, also violate the Charter right to bodily autonomy and privacy by way of vaccine mandates, which impose second-class citizenship on those who decline to get injected.

Second, the Court in its lengthy Ingram ruling fails to mention, let alone analyze, the abundant evidence placed before it about the massive harms that lockdowns inflicted on citizens.  Without bothering to review the evidence of serious harms to the mental, physical, psychological, spiritual and financial well-being of vulnerable people, Justice Barbara Romaine simply states her general impression that the health orders that violated Charter freedoms had salutary benefits that outweighed their deleterious effects.  This is an abject failure of the Court to apply Section 1 of the Charter, which requires judges to insist that governments justify any violation of Charter rights and freedoms “demonstrably” with persuasive evidence.  

Justice Romaine did not properly apply the test laid down by the Supreme Court of Canada in R. v. Oakes, 1986 CanLII 46 (SCC), which includes a requirement that governments show that their violations of Charter rights and freedoms are actually doing more good than harm.

Declaring oneself to be the sole purveyor of “science” is contrary to science itself, because science is a process requiring humility, love for truth, inquiry, transparency and honest debate.  It should not take a court action to obtain the actual information that governments rely on to justify restrictions on Charter freedoms; this info should be available to the public in real time.

The way to protect Albertans from medical tyranny is to amend the Public Health Act and other legislation such that the CMOH will be required to respect the scientific process of inquiry and debate, by transparently providing the public with all relevant scientific information and by facilitating wholesome and necessary debate about the costs and the benefits of any lockdown measures that violate any of our fundamental Charter rights and freedoms.

During the time of lockdowns and vaccine passports, the Alberta Government disregarded the constitutional principle of democratic accountability.  Our constitution requires that prospective laws be debated, and come into force only after approval by a vote of elected representatives who are accountable to the people.  For the better part of three years, MLAs abandoned to a significant degree their constitutional authority to make laws.  MLAs refused to accept responsibility for the restrictions that drove many Albertans into unemployment, poverty, debt, bankruptcy, isolation, loneliness, depression and despair.  Instead, while still retaining and exercising ultimate authority over lockdown measures (a key point in the Ingram decision), Alberta’s cabinet empowered the CMOH to speak new laws into force at news conferences.  Accorded a level of deference akin to that enjoyed by medieval monarchs, the CMOH was not required to answer questions from elected representatives about the wisdom, the rationale or the consequences of ever-changing health orders.

To ensure that these egregious violations of civil liberties, human rights and constitutional freedoms do not occur in Alberta again, legislative reforms are in order.

Alberta’s Public Health Act should be amended to require that the CMOH disclose to the public at all times the specific assumptions, data, and sources for any modelling and for all health orders.  The declaration of a public health emergency should be subjected to a free vote of the legislature, taken only after a thorough debate.  The public health emergency should automatically expire 30 days after the vote, renewable for further 30-day periods only by subsequent votes, with each such vote taking place only after ample opportunity for public debate, both inside and outside of the Legislature.

The CMOH should be required by the Public Health Act to appear weekly before an all-party committee of MLAs, to answer questions and to provide information as may be requested, including all data, assumptions, studies and reports on which the CMOH is relying.  If restrictions on Charter freedoms are truly based on sound evidence, then those who propose or impose these restrictions have nothing to fear from transparency and accountability.

Alberta’s Public Health Act should require the government to subject public health regulations and orders to an ongoing and comprehensive cost-benefit analysis.  The government’s monthly reports should measure, explain and report on the specific impact of public health orders on mental health (alcoholism, drug overdoses, depression, spousal abuse, child abuse, suicide), on physical health (cancer, obesity, all-cause mortality) and on unemployment, bankruptcies, homelessness, and public debt.  The government should also be required by law to monitor closely the quality of care received by seniors in long-term care facilities, including their right to receive frequent in-person visits from loved ones.

The right of every individual to choose to receive or not receive medical treatments (including a vaccine) should be added to the Alberta Human Rights Act by adding “medical status” as a prohibited ground of discrimination.

In order to ensure that scientific debate and inquiry are fully respected, legislation should require the College of Physicians and Surgeons of Alberta to respect fully the right of all doctors to research, write and speak freely.  Doctors should not have to fear adverse consequences for expressing heterodox opinions about medical topics, or any other topics.  Further, the Colleges must respect the doctor-patient relationship by neither compelling doctors to prescribe treatments nor prohibiting doctors from prescribing treatments.  Doctors should not be conscripted into providing patients with a treatment regime that violates the doctor-patient relationship, including fully informed consent on the part of the patient. 

Alberta’s Public Health Act should also provide that, upon conclusion of a public health emergency, a public inquiry must take place to review the government’s emergency-related policies, regulations and health orders, to determine what harms and what benefits resulted.

In light of the failure of courts in Alberta to uphold and protect our Charter rights and freedoms during a public health emergency, these legislative reforms are sadly necessary to protect Albertans from suffering egregious violations of their Charter rights and freedoms in future.

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Alberta

Calgary’s High Property Taxes Run Counter to the ‘Alberta Advantage’

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By David Hunt and Jeff Park

Of major cities, none compare to Calgary’s nearly 50 percent property tax burden increase between censuses.

Alberta once again leads the country in taking in more new residents than it loses to other provinces and territories. But if Canadians move to Calgary seeking greater affordability, are they in for a nasty surprise?

In light of declining home values and falling household incomes amidst rising property taxes, Calgary’s overall property tax burden has skyrocketed 47 percent between the last two national censuses, according to a new study by the Aristotle Foundation for Public Policy.

Between 2016 and 2021 (the latest year of available data), Calgary’s property tax burden increased about twice as fast as second-place Saskatoon and three-and-a-half times faster than Vancouver.

The average Calgary homeowner paid $3,496 in property taxes at the last census, compared to $2,736 five years prior (using constant 2020 dollars; i.e., adjusting for inflation). By contrast, the average Edmonton homeowner paid $2,600 in 2021 compared to $2,384 in 2016 (in constant dollars). In other words, Calgary’s annual property tax bill rose three-and-a-half times more than Edmonton’s.

This is because Edmonton’s effective property tax rate remained relatively flat, while Calgary’s rose steeply. The effective rate is property tax as a share of the market value of a home. For Edmontonians, it rose from 0.56 percent to 0.62 percent—after rounding, a steady 0.6 percent across the two most recent censuses. For Calgarians? Falling home prices collided with rising taxes so that property taxes as a share of (market) home value rose from below 0.5 percent to nearly 0.7 percent.

Plug into the equation sliding household incomes, and we see that Calgary’s property tax burden ballooned nearly 50 percent between censuses.

This matters for at least three reasons. First, property tax is an essential source of revenue for municipalities across Canada. City councils set their property tax rate and the payments made by homeowners are the backbone of municipal finances.

Property taxes are also an essential source of revenue for schools. The province has historically required municipalities to directly transfer 33 percent of the total education budget via property taxes, but in the period under consideration that proportion fell (ultimately, to 28 percent).

Second, a home purchase is the largest expense most Canadians will ever make. Local taxes play a major role in how affordable life is from one city to another. When municipalities unexpectedly raise property taxes, it can push homeownership out of reach for many families. Thus, homeoowners (or prospective homeowners) naturally consider property tax rates and other local costs when choosing where to live and what home to buy.

And third, municipalities can fall into a vicious spiral if they’re not careful. When incomes decline and residential property values fall, as Calgary experienced during the period we studied, municipalities must either trim their budgets or increase property taxes. For many governments, it’s easier to raise taxes than cut spending.

But rising property tax burdens could lead to the city becoming a less desirable place to live. This could mean weaker residential property values, weaker population growth, and weaker growth in the number of residential properties. The municipality then again faces the choice of trimming budgets or raising taxes. And on and on it goes.

Cities fall into these downward spirals because they fall victim to a central planner’s bias. While $853 million for a new arena for the Calgary Flames or $11 million for Calgary Economic Development—how City Hall prefers to attract new business to Calgary—invite ribbon-cuttings, it’s the decisions about Calgary’s half a million private dwellings that really drive the city’s finances.

Yet, a virtuous spiral remains in reach. Municipalities tend to see the advantage of “affordable housing” when it’s centrally planned and taxpayer-funded but miss the easiest way to generate more affordable housing: simply charge city residents less—in taxes—for their housing.

When you reduce property taxes, you make housing more affordable to more people and make the city a more desirable place to live. This could mean stronger residential property values, stronger population growth, and stronger growth in the number of residential properties. Then, the municipality again faces a choice of making the city even more attractive by increasing services or further cutting taxes. And on and on it goes.

The economy is not a series of levers in the mayor’s office; it’s all of the million individual decisions that all of us, collectively, make. Calgary city council should reduce property taxes and leave more money for people to make the big decisions in life.

Jeff Park is a visiting fellow with the Aristotle Foundation for Public Policy and father of four who left Calgary for better affordability. David Hunt is the research director at the Calgary-based Aristotle Foundation for Public Policy. They are co-authors of the new study, Taxing our way to unaffordable housing: A brief comparison of municipal property taxes.

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Alberta

Petition threatens independent school funding in Alberta

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From the Fraser Institute

By Paige MacPherson

Recently, amid the backdrop of a teacher strike, an Alberta high school teacher began collecting signatures for a petition to end government funding of independent schools in the province. If she gets enough people to sign—10 per cent of the number of Albertans who voted in the last provincial election—Elections Alberta will consider launching a referendum about the issue.

In other words, the critical funding many Alberta families rely on for their children’s educational needs may be in jeopardy.

In Alberta, the provincial government partially funds independent schools and charter schools. The Alberta Teachers’ Association (ATA), whose members are currently on strike, opposes government funding of independent and charter schools.

But kids are not one-size-fits-all, and schools should reflect that reality, particularly in light of today’s increasing classroom complexity where different kids have different needs. Unlike government-run public schools, independent schools and charter schools have the flexibility to innovate and find creative ways to help students thrive.

And things aren’t going very well for all kids or teachers in government-run pubic school classrooms. According to the ATA, 93 per cent of teachers report encountering some form of aggression or violence at school, most often from students. Additionally, 85 per cent of unionized teachers face an increase in cognitive, social/emotional and behavioural issues in their classrooms. In 2020, one-quarter of students in Edmonton’s government-run public schools were just learning English, and immigration to Canada—and Alberta especially—has exploded since then. It’s not easy to teach a classroom of kids where a significant proportion do not speak English, many have learning disabilities or exceptional needs, and a few have severe behavioural problems.

Not surprisingly, demand for independent schools in Alberta is growing because many of these schools are designed for students with special needs, Autism, severe learning disabilities and ADHD. Some independent schools cater to students just learning English while others offer cultural focuses, expanded outdoor time, gifted learning and much more.

Which takes us back to the new petition—yet the latest attempt to defund independent schools in Alberta.

Wealthy families will always have school choice. But if the Alberta government wants low-income and middle-class kids to have the ability to access schools that fit them, too, it’s crucial to maintain—or better yet, increase—its support for independent and charter schools.

Consider a fictional Alberta family: the Millers. Their daughter, Lucy, is struggling at her local government-run public school. Her reading is below grade level and she’s being bullied. It’s affecting her self-esteem, her sleep and her overall wellbeing. The Millers pay their taxes. They don’t take vacations, they rent, and they haven’t upgraded their cars in many years. They can’t afford to pay full tuition for Lucy to attend an independent school that offers the approach to education she needs to succeed. However, because the Alberta government partially funds independent schools—which essentially means a portion of the Miller family’s tax dollars follow Lucy to the school of their choice—they’re able to afford the tuition.

The familiar refrain from opponents is that taxpayers shouldn’t pay for independent school tuition. But in fact, if you’re concerned about taxpayers, you should encourage school choice. If Lucy attends a government-run public school, taxpayers pay 100 per cent of her education costs. But if she attends an independent or charter school, taxpayers only pay a portion of the costs while her parents pay the rest. That’s why research shows that school choice saves tax dollars.

If you’re a parent with a child in a government-run public school in Alberta, you now must deal with another teacher strike. If you have a child in an independent or charter school, however, it’s business as usual. If Albertans are ever asked to vote on whether or not to end government funding for independent schools, they should remember that students are the most important stakeholder in education. And providing parents more choices in education is the solution, not the problem.

Paige MacPherson

Associate Director, Education Policy, Fraser Institute
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