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Alberta

Clear Answers Required

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Clear Answers Required

Of all the discouraging messages inundating the worldwide sports arena these days, it’s entirely likely that the most lamentable — about Canadian football, at least —  was issued this week by Alberta Golden Bears head coach Chris Morris. “The CFL’s probably not going to have a season,” he said.

Other qualified observers have said similar things, quite often, but Morris’s words carried a little extra weight because they were also tied directly to the long- and short-term future of young athletes who normally would be chomping at the bit for this season, or the next one, to get under way.
His comments came quickly when he was asked about the surprising decision by USports decision-makers to solidify their stand against allowing 25-year-old players to compete if and when there is a 2021 season in national university football. No explanation has been made by this same group when asked why the regulation caused by COVID-19 will apply only to gridders and not to those who play volleyball, basketball or any other sport at that level, but the favoured.status of these younger competitors is better to be discussed at another time and in another space.
The bar that has been placed against the planning, commitment and potential professional development of Golden Bears, Calgary Dinos and similar athletes on campuses across the nation must be discussed promptly.
Essential in the Morris words was his reference to about 300 athletes who will have their careers ended immediately, along with more than 1,000 others who almost surely will have their planned university careers shortened by at least one year.
Severe budget realities are almost a clear declaration certain that some universities will be forced to erase programs due to the coronavirus pandemic. When and if such a decision is required, some players would of course have no team to join (or rejoin) for the anticipated 2021 season.
Morris has pointed out that the anti-25-year-old was devised to prevent abuse of rules that vary between Canada’s university leagues, including the powerful Canada West that links rivals and allies from Manitoba to British Columbia.
His last formal act as president of the Canadian University Football Coaches Association was to sign an open letter under the CUFCA banner which “strongly denounces the ruling.”
Another unfortunate message was delivered to members of the Edmonton Huskies Alumni Society by veteran administrator Mike Eurchuk, who attended a scheduled meeting of Prairie Football Conference officials. One of the major issues, yet again, was the difficulty of practicing at this highly-combative junior level when only 50 individuals are allowed on the field at one time.
“Not 50 players,” Eurchuk pointed out. “Fifty individuals, coaches, trainers, equipment people.”
As part of an “action plan” required by concerned government officials, “showers would be a definite no-no.” Assuming equipment could be kept in satisfactory anti-COVID condition, “we still can’t get on the field and actually knock heads with another team” because the 50-person limit would be seriously exceeded.
Two other major issues exist, said Eurchuk: transportation and different provincial rules: “only 22 riders can be permitted on a team bus — “To take our normal contingent, we would need four buses to transport us anyplace; (in addition), “Saskatchewan and Manitoba health departments probably wouldn’t allow (Edmonton Huskies, Edmonton Wildcats, Calgary Colts) to play in their provinces.”
At one point, the WFC now admits, consideration was given to seven- or nine-man football. This plan has been nixed.
At this point, key league meetings are scheduled for the first week in August. The possibility of a Canadian Bowl for the national junior crown will be debated in September. A modified season (perhaps six games) could be started, hypothetically, in mid-October.
In his lengthy note, Eurchuk found an apt summary of the entire situation: “At this point, there is no certainty on anything.” It seems certain that Golden Bears coach Martin and others throughout Canadian football, could be comfortable saying exactly the same thing.

Alberta

Alberta awash in corporate welfare

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From the Fraser Institute

By Matthew Lau

To understand Ottawa’s negative impact on Alberta’s economy and living standards, juxtapose two recent pieces of data.

First, in July the Trudeau government made three separate “economic development” spending announcements in  Alberta, totalling more than $80 million and affecting 37 different projects related to the “green economy,” clean technology and agriculture. And second, as noted in a new essay by Fraser Institute senior fellow Kenneth Green, inflation-adjusted business investment (excluding residential structures) in Canada’s extraction sector (mining, quarrying, oil and gas) fell 51.2 per cent from 2014 to 2022.

The productivity gains that raise living standards and improve economic conditions rely on business investment. But business investment in Canada has declined over the past decade and total economic growth per person (inflation-adjusted) from Q3-2015 through to Q1-2024 has been less than 1 per cent versus robust growth of nearly 16 per cent in the United States over the same period.

For Canada’s extraction sector, as Green documents, federal policies—new fuel regulations, extended review processes on major infrastructure projects, an effective ban on oil shipments on British Columbia’s northern coast, a hard greenhouse gas emissions cap targeting oil and gas, and other regulatory initiatives—are largely to blame for the massive decline in investment.

Meanwhile, as Ottawa impedes private investment, its latest bundle of economic development announcements underscores its strategy to have government take the lead in allocating economic resources, whether for infrastructure and public institutions or for corporate welfare to private companies.

Consider these federally-subsidized projects.

A gas cloud imaging company received $4.1 million from taxpayers to expand marketing, operations and product development. The Battery Metals Association of Canada received $850,000 to “support growth of the battery metals sector in Western Canada by enhancing collaboration and education stakeholders.” A food manufacturer in Lethbridge received $5.2 million to increase production of plant-based protein products. Ermineskin Cree Nation received nearly $400,000 for a feasibility study for a new solar farm. The Town of Coronation received almost $900,000 to renovate and retrofit two buildings into a business incubator. The Petroleum Technology Alliance Canada received $400,000 for marketing and other support to help boost clean technology product exports. And so on.

When the Trudeau government announced all this corporate welfare and spending, it naturally claimed it create economic growth and good jobs. But corporate welfare doesn’t create growth and good jobs, it only directs resources (including labour) to subsidized sectors and businesses and away from sectors and businesses that must be more heavily taxed to support the subsidies. The effect of government initiatives that reduce private investment and replace it with government spending is a net economic loss.

As 20th-century business and economics journalist Henry Hazlitt put it, the case for government directing investment (instead of the private sector) relies on politicians and bureaucrats—who did not earn the money and to whom the money does not belong—investing that money wisely and with almost perfect foresight. Of course, that’s preposterous.

Alas, this replacement of private-sector investment with public spending is happening not only in Alberta but across Canada today due to the Trudeau government’s fiscal policies. Lower productivity and lower living standards, the data show, are the unhappy results.

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Alberta

‘Fireworks’ As Defence Opens Case In Coutts Two Trial

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From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy 

By Ray McGinnis

Anthony Olienick and Chris Carbert are on trial for conspiracy to commit murder and firearms charges in relation to the Coutts Blockade into mid-February 2022. In opening her case before a Lethbridge, AB, jury on July 11, Olienick’s lawyer, Marilyn Burns stated “This is a political, criminal trial that is un Canadian.” She told the jury, “You will be shocked, and at the very least, disappointed with how Canada’s own RCMP conducted themselves during and after the Coutts protest,” as she summarized officers’ testimony during presentation of the Crown’s case. Burns also contended that “the conduct of Alberta’s provincial government and Canada’s federal government are entwined with the RCMP.” The arrests of the Coutts Four on the night of February 13 and noon hour of February 14, were key events in a decision by the Clerk of the Privy Council, Janice Charette, and the National Security Advisor to the Prime Minister, Jody Thomas, to advise Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to invoke the Emergencies Act. Chief Justice Paul Rouleau, in submitting his Public Order Emergency Commission Report to Parliament on February 17, 2023, also cited events at the Coutts Blockade as key to his conclusion that the government was justified in invoking the Emergencies Act.

Justice David Labrenz cautioned attorney Burns regarding her language, after Crown prosecutor Stephen Johnson objected to some of the language in the opening statement of Olienick’s counsel. Futher discussion about the appropriateness of attorney Burns’ statement to the jury is behind a publication ban, as discussions occurred without the jury present.

Justice Labrenz told the jury on July 12, “I would remind you that the presumption of innocence means that both the accused are cloaked with that presumption, unless the Crown proves beyond a reasonable doubt the essential elements of the charge(s).” He further clarified what should result if the jurors were uncertain about which narrative to believe: the account by the Crown, or the account from the accused lawyers. Labrenz stated that such ambivalence must lead to an acquittal; As such a degree of uncertainty regarding which case to trust in does not meet the “beyond a reasonable doubt” threshold for a conviction.”

On July 15, 2024, a Lethbridge jury heard evidence from a former employer of Olienicks’ named Brian Lambert. He stated that he had tasked Olienick run his sandstone quarry and mining business. He was a business partner with Olienick. In that capacity, Olienick made use of what Lambert referred to as “little firecrackers,” to quarry the sandstone and reduce it in size. Reducing the size of the stone renders it manageable to get refined and repurposed so it could be sold to buyers of stone for other uses (building construction, patio stones, etc.) Lambert explained that the “firecrackers” were “explosive devices” packaged within tubing and pipes that could also be used for plumbing. He detailed how “You make them out of ordinary plumbing pipe and use some kind of propellant like shotgun powder…” Lambert explained that the length of the pipe “…depended on how big a hole or how large a piece of stone you were going to crack. The one I saw was about six inches long … maybe an inch in diameter.”

One of Olienick’s charges is “unlawful possession of an explosive device for a dangerous purpose.” The principal evidence offered up by RCMP to the Crown is what the officers depicted as “pipe bombs” which they obtained at the residence of Anthony Olienick in Claresholm, Alberta, about a two-hour drive from Coutts. Officers entered his home after he was arrested the night of February 13, 2022. Lambert’s testimony offers a plausible common use for the “firecrackers” the RCMP referred to as “pipe bombs.” Lambert added, these “firecrackers” have a firecracker fuse, and in the world of “explosive” they are “no big deal.”

Fellow accused, Chris Carbert, is does not face the additional charge of unlawful possession of explosives for a dangerous purpose. This is the first full week of the case for the defence. The trial began on June 6 when the Crown began presenting its case.

Ray McGinnis is a Senior Fellow with the Frontier Centre for Public Policy who recently attended several days of testimony at the Coutts Two trial.

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