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Alberta

Clear Answers Required

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Clear Answers Required

Of all the discouraging messages inundating the worldwide sports arena these days, it’s entirely likely that the most lamentable — about Canadian football, at least —  was issued this week by Alberta Golden Bears head coach Chris Morris. “The CFL’s probably not going to have a season,” he said.

Other qualified observers have said similar things, quite often, but Morris’s words carried a little extra weight because they were also tied directly to the long- and short-term future of young athletes who normally would be chomping at the bit for this season, or the next one, to get under way.
His comments came quickly when he was asked about the surprising decision by USports decision-makers to solidify their stand against allowing 25-year-old players to compete if and when there is a 2021 season in national university football. No explanation has been made by this same group when asked why the regulation caused by COVID-19 will apply only to gridders and not to those who play volleyball, basketball or any other sport at that level, but the favoured.status of these younger competitors is better to be discussed at another time and in another space.
The bar that has been placed against the planning, commitment and potential professional development of Golden Bears, Calgary Dinos and similar athletes on campuses across the nation must be discussed promptly.
Essential in the Morris words was his reference to about 300 athletes who will have their careers ended immediately, along with more than 1,000 others who almost surely will have their planned university careers shortened by at least one year.
Severe budget realities are almost a clear declaration certain that some universities will be forced to erase programs due to the coronavirus pandemic. When and if such a decision is required, some players would of course have no team to join (or rejoin) for the anticipated 2021 season.
Morris has pointed out that the anti-25-year-old was devised to prevent abuse of rules that vary between Canada’s university leagues, including the powerful Canada West that links rivals and allies from Manitoba to British Columbia.
His last formal act as president of the Canadian University Football Coaches Association was to sign an open letter under the CUFCA banner which “strongly denounces the ruling.”
Another unfortunate message was delivered to members of the Edmonton Huskies Alumni Society by veteran administrator Mike Eurchuk, who attended a scheduled meeting of Prairie Football Conference officials. One of the major issues, yet again, was the difficulty of practicing at this highly-combative junior level when only 50 individuals are allowed on the field at one time.
“Not 50 players,” Eurchuk pointed out. “Fifty individuals, coaches, trainers, equipment people.”
As part of an “action plan” required by concerned government officials, “showers would be a definite no-no.” Assuming equipment could be kept in satisfactory anti-COVID condition, “we still can’t get on the field and actually knock heads with another team” because the 50-person limit would be seriously exceeded.
Two other major issues exist, said Eurchuk: transportation and different provincial rules: “only 22 riders can be permitted on a team bus — “To take our normal contingent, we would need four buses to transport us anyplace; (in addition), “Saskatchewan and Manitoba health departments probably wouldn’t allow (Edmonton Huskies, Edmonton Wildcats, Calgary Colts) to play in their provinces.”
At one point, the WFC now admits, consideration was given to seven- or nine-man football. This plan has been nixed.
At this point, key league meetings are scheduled for the first week in August. The possibility of a Canadian Bowl for the national junior crown will be debated in September. A modified season (perhaps six games) could be started, hypothetically, in mid-October.
In his lengthy note, Eurchuk found an apt summary of the entire situation: “At this point, there is no certainty on anything.” It seems certain that Golden Bears coach Martin and others throughout Canadian football, could be comfortable saying exactly the same thing.

Alberta

B.C. would benefit from new pipeline but bad policy stands in the way

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From the Fraser Institute

By Julio Mejía and Elmira Aliakbari

Bill C-69 (a.k.a. the “no pipelines act”) has added massive uncertainty to the project approval process, requiring proponents to meet vague criteria that go far beyond any sensible environmental concerns—for example, assessing any project’s impact on the “intersection of sex and gender with other identity factors.”

In case you haven’t heard, the Alberta government plans to submit a proposal to the federal government to build an oil pipeline from Alberta to British Columbia’s north coast.

But B.C. Premier Eby dismissed the idea, calling it a project imported from U.S. politics and pursued “at the expense of British Columbia and Canada’s economy.” He’s simply wrong. A new pipeline wouldn’t come at the expense of B.C. or Canada’s economy—it would strengthen both. In fact, particularly during the age of Trump, provinces should seek greater cooperation and avoid erecting policy barriers that discourage private investment and restrict trade and market access.

The United States remains the main destination for Canada’s leading exports, oil and natural gas. In 2024, nearly 96 per cent of oil exports and virtually all natural gas exports went to our southern neighbour. In light of President Trump’s tariffs on Canadian energy and other goods, it’s long past time to diversify our trade and find new export markets.

Given that most of Canada’s oil and gas is landlocked in the Prairies, pipelines to coastal terminals are the only realistic way to reach overseas markets. After the completion of the Trans Mountain Pipeline Expansion (TMX) project in May 2024, which transports crude oil from Alberta to B.C. and opened access to Asian markets, exports to non-U.S. destinations increased by almost 60 per cent. This new global reach strengthens Canada’s leverage in trade negotiations with Washington, as it enables Canada to sell its energy to markets beyond the U.S.

Yet trade is just one piece of the broader economic impact. In its first year of operation, the TMX expansion generated $13.6 billion in additional revenue for the economy, including $2.0 billion in extra tax revenues for the federal government. By 2043, TMX operations will contribute a projected $9.2 billion to Canada’s economic output, $3.7 billion in wages, and support the equivalent of more than 36,000 fulltime jobs. And B.C. stands to gain the most, with $4.3 billion added to its economic output, nearly $1 billion in wages, and close to 9,000 new jobs. With all due respect to Premier Eby, this is good news for B.C. workers and the provincial economy.

In contrast, cancelling pipelines has come at a real cost to B.C. and Canada’s economy. When the Trudeau government scrapped the already-approved Northern Gateway project, Canada lost an opportunity to increase the volume of oil transported from Alberta to B.C. and diversify its trading partners. Meanwhile, according to the Canadian Energy Centre, B.C. lost out on nearly 8,000 jobs a year (or 224,344 jobs in 29 years) and more than $11 billion in provincial revenues from 2019 to 2048 (inflation-adjusted).

Now, with the TMX set to reach full capacity by 2027/28, and Premier Eby opposing Alberta’s pipeline proposal, Canada may miss its chance to export more to global markets amid rising oil demand. And Canadians recognize this opportunity—a recent poll shows that a majority of Canadians (including 56 per cent of British Columbians) support a new oil pipeline from Alberta to B.C.

But, as others have asked, if the economic case is so strong, why has no private company stepped up to build or finance a new pipeline?

Two words—bad policy.

At the federal level, Bill C-48 effectively bans large oil tankers from loading or unloading at ports along B.C.’s northern coast, undermining the case for any new private-sector pipeline. Meanwhile, Bill C-69 (a.k.a. the “no pipelines act”) has added massive uncertainty to the project approval process, requiring proponents to meet vague criteria that go far beyond any sensible environmental concerns—for example, assessing any project’s impact on the “intersection of sex and gender with other identity factors.” And the federal cap on greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions exclusively for the oil and gas sector will inevitably force a reduction in oil and gas production, again making energy projects including pipelines less attractive to investors.

Clearly, policymakers in Canada should help diversify trade, boost economic growth and promote widespread prosperity in B.C., Alberta and beyond. To achieve this goal, they should put politics aside, focus of the benefits to their constituents, and craft regulations that more thoughtfully balance environmental concerns with the need for investment and economic growth.

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Alberta

Alberta introduces bill allowing province to reject international agreements

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From LifeSiteNews

By Anthony Murdoch

Under the proposed law, international treaties or accords signed by the federal government would not apply in Alberta unless approved through its own legislation.

Alberta’s Conservative government introduced a new law to protect “constitutional rights” that would allow it to essentially ignore International Agreements, including those by the World Health Organization (WHO), signed by the federal Liberal government.

The new law, Bill 1, titled International Agreements Act and introduced Thursday, according to the government, “draws a clear line: international agreements that touch on provincial areas of jurisdiction must be debated and passed into law in Alberta.”

Should the law pass, which is all but certain as Alberta Premier Danielle Smith’s Conservatives hold a majority government, it would mean that any international treaties or accords signed by the federal government would not apply in Alberta unless approved through its own legislation.

“As we return to the legislature, our government is focused on delivering on the mandate Albertans gave us in 2023 to stand up for this province, protect our freedoms and chart our path forward,” Smith said.

“We will defend our constitutional rights, protect our province’s interests and make sure decisions that affect Albertans are made by Albertans. The federal government stands at a crossroads. Work with us, and we’ll get things done. Overstep, and Alberta will stand its ground.”

According to the Alberta government, while the feds have the “power to enter into international agreements on behalf of Canada,” it “does not” have the “legal authority to impose its terms on provinces.”

“The International Agreements Act reinforces that principle, ensuring Alberta is not bound by obligations negotiated in Ottawa that do not align with provincial priorities,” the province said.

The new Alberta law is not without precedent. In 2000, the province of Quebec passed a similar law, allowing it to ignore international agreements unless approved by local legislators.

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