Connect with us

Business

When it’s time to consider new windows, here’s what you need to know

Published

7 minute read

Replacement Windows vs. New-Construction Windows – What Should I Get?

If installing new windows for your home is on your 2022 to-do list, there are two routes you can take. Either you can get new construction or replacement windows. The type you choose depends upon several factors, such as your house, current windows, and their condition.Ā 

If you are new to home renovation, you must wonder what the difference is between replacement and new construction windows. Keep reading to learn everything about both types andĀ where to buy windowsĀ that work best for your house.

What are replacement windows?

As the name suggests, these windows basically replace your house’s old windows using the existing rough openings. They are usually custom-made to fit easily into the current frame.Ā 

Replacement windows are comparatively easy to install than construction windows as they require minimal work, which can be done without touching the trims or the insulation around the window.

What are construction windows?

New construction windows are typically used for newly constructed homes or other new constructions, like a home extension. This does not imply that they can only be used for newly built homes. In some situations, such as intense remodelling or repairing badly damaged existing structures, replacing old windows with new construction windows is the best option.

Replacement windows and construction windows are available in various styles, finishes, and materials. So you can pretty much find a style that goes well with your home based on whichever window is right for your home.

When should I use replacement windows?

Replacement windows are a good choice if your window frames are in good condition and you’re ready to invest in new energy-efficient windows. Generally, these units are used when the wall has already been constructed and cannot be significantly altered. These windows are ideal when:

  • you are replacing an existing window
  • you want the wall to stay in its place as much as possible
  • the window is not going to be used for a new building
  • you want to get the same window style but modern and energy-efficient

When should I use new-construction windows?

Replacement windows are not the ideal option if the window frames in your current home are damaged. In that case, you would need to remove the existing frame. Installing new construction windows is the ideal solution in such a situation. In addition, new construction windows are suitable when:

  • you are building a new house
  • you are planning an extension in your house
  • the wall is being rebuilt
  • the wall is damaged and needs major repairing

Whether you should opt for replacement or new-construction windows depends upon several factors, as mentioned above. However, keep in mind that construction windows are standard-sized windows. So you cannot just plug them into any opening where an existing window was removed from, even if they appear to be the exact same size as the old window.Ā 

Which one is more cost-effective?

When it comes to installing new windows in your home, replacement windows are generally the least expensive option. Because these windows are inserted in existing frames, they typically require less labour making them more affordable. The price for a replacement window may start from $300 per unit and rise depending on the custom features you choose, such as:

  • Frame material. Vinyl here is the most affordable, while wood is the most expensive.
  • Hardware. You can choose standard or opt for elite hardware, customizing locks, handles, etc., to match your preferences.
  • Colour. White, Black or other basic colours will not significantly affect the price. Still, if you want custom shades to complement your exterior and interior, you should expect a price change of around 15%.
  • Glazing. The current standard is double pane windows, but if you live in cold regions, triple pane windows would be a better choice. But the price for these units may be up to 20% higher depending on the glazing andĀ LoE coatingĀ you choose.

Initially, the price of new-construction windows may appear less, but it truly relies on the type and number of windows you order. Since they are standard size, they are produced in large volumes and hence available at a lower price.Ā 

However, the price can significantly increase when you consider the cost of replacing the current window frame and repairing the surrounding interior and exterior walls.Ā 

But installing construction windows can prove to be the most acceptable alternative and the best investment if you’re installing windows in new construction or your current window frames are in poor condition.

Where to buy new windows for your house?

Due to a large number ofĀ Red Deer window companiesĀ in the market today, you will have several options at various price ranges.Ā 

To help you pick the best option for your house, we advise dealing with experienced professionals that offer Energy Star-rated windows, free quotes & consultation and qualified in-house installers to ensure correct installation and maximum energy efficiency for your new windows.

Final thoughts

If you are about to install new windows, choosing whether to get replacement windows or new construction windows is a decision you must make very carefully.Ā 

A new construction window may be a good option in situations like an extension to your home or building a new home.Ā 

However, a replacement window will be more suitable if you plan to replace your existing windows, not changing rough openings and window styles. Opting for custom-made replacement windows means saving yourself a lot of time, hassle, and money in the future.

 

Todayville Content Team works with a wide variety of clients to develop compelling content solutions. Our experienced team develops strategic campaigns that use video and storytelling, digital advertising and social media to help our clients position and distinguish themselves in the market.

Follow Author

Business

Carney Liberals quietly award Pfizer, Moderna nearly $400 million for new COVID shot contracts

Published on

From LifeSiteNews

By Clare Marie Merkowsky

Carney’s Liberal government signed nearly $400 million in contracts with Pfizer and Moderna for COVID shots, despite halted booster programs and ongoing delays in compensating Canadians for jab injuries.

Prime Minister Mark Carney has awarded Pfizer and Moderna nearly $400 million in new COVID shot contracts.

On June 30th, the Liberal government quietly signed nearly $400 million contracts with vaccine companiesĀ PfizerĀ andĀ Moderna for COVID jabs, despite thousands of Canadians waiting to receive compensation for COVID shot injuries.

The contracts, published on the Government of Canada website, run from June 30, 2025, until March 31, 2026. Under the contracts, taxpayers must pay $199,907,418.00 to both companies for their COVID shots.

Notably, there have been no press releases regarding the contracts on theĀ Government of CanadaĀ website nor fromĀ Carney’s official office.

Additionally, the contracts were signed after most Canadians provinces halted their COVID booster shot programs. At the same time, many Canadians are still waiting to receive compensation from COVID shot injuries.

Canada’s Vaccine Injury Support Program (VISP)Ā was launchedĀ in December 2020 after the Canadian government gave vaccine makers a shield from liability regarding COVID-19 jab-related injuries.

There has been a total of 3,317 claims received, of which only 234 have received payments. In December, the Canadian Department of HealthĀ warnedĀ that COVID shot injury payouts will exceed the $75 million budget.

The December memo is the last public update that Canadians have received regarding the cost of the program. However, private investigations have revealed that much of the funding is going in the pockets of administrators, not injured Canadians.

A July report by Global NewsĀ discoveredĀ that Oxaro Inc., the consulting company overseeing the VISP, has received $50.6 million. Of that fund, $33.7 million has been spent on administrative costs, compared to only $16.9 million going to vaccine injured Canadians.

The PHAC’s downplaying of jab injuries is of little surprise to Canadians, as a 2023Ā secret memoĀ revealed that the federal government purposefully hid adverse effect so as not to alarm Canadians.

The secret memo from former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s Privy Council Office noted that COVID jab injuries and even deaths ā€œhave the potential to shake public confidence.ā€

ā€œAdverse effects following immunization, news reports and the government’s response to them have the potential to shake public confidence in the COVID-19 vaccination rollout,ā€ read a part of the memo titled ā€œTesting Behaviourally Informed Messaging in Response to Severe Adverse Events Following Immunization.ā€

Instead of alerting the public, the secret memo suggested developing ā€œwinning communication strategiesā€ to ensure the public did not lose confidence in the experimental injections.

Since the start of the COVID crisis, official data shows that the virus has been listed as the cause of death forĀ less than 20 children in CanadaĀ under age 15. This is out of six million children in the age group.

The COVID jabs approved in CanadaĀ have also been associatedĀ with severe side effects, such as blood clots, rashes, miscarriages, and even heart attacks in young, healthy men.

Additionally, aĀ recent studyĀ done by researchers with Canada-basedĀ Correlation Research in the Public InterestĀ showed that 17 countries have found a ā€œdefinite causal linkā€ between peaks in all-cause mortality and the fast rollouts of the COVID shots, as well as boosters.

Interestingly, while the Department of Health has spent $16 million on injury payouts, the Liberal governmentĀ spent $54 million COVID propaganda promoting the shot to young Canadians.

The Public Health Agency of Canada especially targeted young Canadians ages 18-24 because they ā€œmay play down the seriousness of the situation.ā€

Continue Reading

Business

Carney government should apply lessons from 1990s in spending review

Published on

From the Fraser Institute

By Jake Fuss and Grady Munro

For the summer leading up to the 2025 fall budget, the Carney government has launched a federal spending review aimed at finding savings that will help pay for recent major policy announcements. While this appears to be a step in the right direction, lessons from the past suggest the government must be more ambitious in its review to overcome the fiscal challenges facing Canada.

InĀ two lettersĀ sent to federal cabinet ministers, Finance Minister FranƧois-Philippe Champagne outlined plans for a ā€œComprehensive Expenditure Reviewā€ that will see ministers evaluate spending programs in each of their portfolios based on the following: whether they are ā€œmeeting their objectivesā€ are ā€œcore to the federal mandateā€ and ā€œcomplement vs. duplicate what is offered elsewhere by the federal government or by other levels of government.ā€ Ultimately, as a result of this review, ministers are expected to find savings of 7.5 per cent in 2026/27, rising to 10 per cent the following year, and reaching 15 per cent by 2028/29.

This news comes after the federal government has recently made several major policy announcements that will significantly impact the bottom line. MostĀ notably, the government added an additional $9.3 billion to the defence budget for this fiscal year, and committed to more than double the annual defence budget by 2035. Without any policies to offset the fiscal impact of this higher defence spending (along with otherĀ recentĀ changes), this year’s budget deficit (which the Liberal’sĀ election platformĀ initially pegged at $62.3 billion) will likely surpass $70.0 billion, and potentially may reach as high asĀ $92.2 billion.

A spending review is long overdue.Ā Recent researchĀ suggests that each year the federal government spends billions towards programs that are inefficient and/or ineffective, and which should be eliminated to find savings. Moreover, past governments (bothĀ federal and provincial) have proven that fiscal adjustments based on spending reviews can be very successful—just look at the ChrĆ©tien government’sĀ 1995 Program Review.

In itsĀ 1995 budget, the federal ChrĆ©tien government launched a comprehensive review of all federal spending that—along with several minor tax increases—ultimately balanced the federal budget in two years and helped Canada avert a fiscal crisis. Two aspects of this review were critical to itsĀ success: it reviewed all federal spending initiatives with no exceptions, and it was based on clear criteria that not only tested whether spending was efficient, but which also reassessed the federal government’s role in delivering programs and services to Canadians. Unfortunately, the Carney government’s review is missing these two critical aspects.

The Carney government already plans to exclude large swathes of the budget from its spending review. While it might be reasonable for the government to exclude defence spending given our recentĀ commitmentsĀ (though that doesn’tĀ appearĀ to be the plan), the Carney government has insteadĀ chosenĀ to exclude all transfers to individuals (such as seniors’ benefits) and provinces (such as health-care spending) from any spending cuts. Based on the last officialĀ spending estimatesĀ for this year, these two areas alone represent a combined $254.6 billion—or more than half of total spending after excluding debt charges—that won’t be reviewed.

This is a major weakness in the government’s plan. Not only does this limit the dollar value of savings available, it also means a significant portion of the government’s budget is missing out on a reassessment that could lead to more effective delivery of services for Canadians.

For example, as part of the 1995 program review, the Chrétien government overhauled how it delivered welfare transfers to provincial governments. Specifically, the federal government replaced two previous programs with a new Canada Health and Social Transfer (CHST) that addressed some major flaws with how the government delivered welfare assistance. While the transition to the CHST did include a $4.6 billion reduction in spending on government transfers, the new structure gave the federal government better control over spending growth in the future and allowed provincial governments more flexibility to tailor social assistance programs to local needs and preferences.

In addition to considering all areas of spending, the Carney government’s spending review also needs to be more ambitious in its criteria. While the current criteria are an important start—for example, it’s critical the government identifies and eliminates spending programs that aren’t achieving their stated objectives or which are simply duplicating another program—the Carney government should take it one step further and explicitly reflect on the role of the federal government itself.

Among other criteria that focused on efficiency and affordability of programs, theĀ 1995 program reviewĀ also evaluated every spending program based on whether government intervention was even necessary, and whether or not the federal government specifically should be involved. As such, not only did the program review eliminate costly inefficiencies, it also included the privatization of government-owned entities such as Petro-Canada and Canadian National Railway—which generated considerableĀ economic benefitsĀ for Canadians.

Today, the federal government devotes considerable amounts of spending each year towards areas that are outside of its jurisdiction and/or which government shouldn’t be involved in the first place—national pharmacare, national dental care, and national daycare all beingĀ prime examples. Ignoring the fact that many of these areas (including the three examples) are already excluded from the Carney government’s spending review, the government’s criteria makes no explicit effort to test whether a program is targeting an area that’s outside of the federal purview.

For instance, while the government will test whether or not a spending program fits within theĀ federal mandate, that mandate will not actually ensure the government stays within its ownĀ jurisdictional lane. Instead, theĀ mandateĀ simply lays out the key priorities the Carney government intends to focus on—including vague goals including, ā€œBringing down costs for Canadians and helping them to get aheadā€ which could be used to justify considerable federal overreach. Similarly, the government’s other criterion to not duplicate programs offered by other levels of government provides little meaningful restriction on government spending that is outside of its jurisdiction so long as that spending can be viewed as ā€œcomplementingā€ provincial efforts. In other words, this spending review is unlikely to meaningfully check the costly growth in theĀ size of governmentĀ that Canada has experienced over the last decade.

Simply put, the Carney government’s spending review, while a step in the right direction, is missing key elements that will limit its effectiveness. Applying key lessons from the ChrĆ©tien government’s spending review is crucial for success today.

 

Jake Fuss

Director, Fiscal Studies, Fraser Institute

Grady Munro

Policy Analyst, Fraser Institute
Continue Reading

Trending

X