Energy
UN Secretary-General Ramps Up Tiresome Climate-Fright Rhetoric One More Time

From the Daily Caller News Foundation
In his unending quest to constantly heat up fright rhetoric about climate change, United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres last week referred to oil companies as “the godfathers of climate chaos” and urged national governments to place bans on their ability to advertise their products.
Speaking at an event called World Climate Day, Guterres told attendees that “we are playing Russian roulette with our planet,” adding, “we need an exit ramp off this highway to hell.”
The latter bit of hyperbolic nonsense was a reference to a bit of fright rhetoric he unveiled during the COP27 conference held in Egypt in November 2022. In that speech, Guterres warned: “We are on a highway to climate hell with our foot on the accelerator.”
He also warned, outrageously, that: “We can sign a climate solidarity pact, or a collective suicide pact.”
The global media establishment threw a collective hissy fit in March when former President Donald Trump used the term “bloodbath” to describe the damage that Biden administration policies are doing to the U.S. auto industry. Imagine the pearl clutching that would take place at the same media outlets if the GOP presidential candidate used the term “collective suicide pact” to describe his opponent’s climate policies.
Talking heads at CNN and MSNBC might faint dead away on air.
But because Guterres is a key pusher of the preferred climate narrative, his bombastic rhetoric is fine. In his most recent salvo, the secretary general failed to include reference to his July 2023 claim that the hot weather last summer (who knew it is hot in New York in July?) meant that “the era of global warming has ended” and “the era of global boiling has arrived.” We should all be grateful for that omission.
Guterres’ latest bit of panic speech comes as world events indicate that the climate change narrative is failing. The just-completed elections for the European Union Parliament resulted in a rejection of Europe’s ruling class that was significant enough to convince Belgian Prime Minister Alexander de Croo to resign and French President Emmanuel Macron to dissolve France’s parliament and call for snap elections.
In the United States, poll after poll shows low support for the Biden energy and climate agenda, and Energy Secretary Jennifer Granholm is suddenly showing strong support for nuclear energy. Meanwhile, Biden’s vaunted offshore wind initiatives are faltering badly, and the U.S. electric-vehicle industry is also struggling.
In an op-ed in the Wall Street Journal entitled “The Climate Crisis Fades Out,” former Obama climate advisor and author Steven Koonin says one reason why the climate alarm rhetoric is failing to move voters lies in the reality that “the energy transition’s purported climate benefits are distant, vague and uncertain while the costs and disruption of rapid decarbonization are immediate and substantial. The world has many more urgent needs, including the provision of reliable and affordable energy to all.”
Noting that the preferred, rent-seeking “solutions” to climate change offered by the ruling class are not really solutions at all — a theme I’ve written about for several years now — Koonin posits that we should be happy that the “crisis” narrative is failing and fading as it goes through what he refers to as the “issues-attention cycle.”
As a result of this focus on these non-solutions, global emissions have continued to rise in this century. Fossil fuels still provide roughly 80% of primary energy now despite more than $12 trillion in renewable energy investments in just the past 9 years. Koonin points out that the “latest United Nations emissions report projects that emissions in 2030 will be almost twice as high as a level compatible with the [2015 Paris Agreement] aspiration.”
Koonin believes the public’s fading attention to the issue of climate alarmism “means that today’s ineffective, inefficient, and ill-considered climate-mitigation strategies will be abandoned, making room for a more thoughtful and informed approach to responsibly providing for the world’s energy needs.”
But seeking more thoughtful and informed approaches does not appear to be a high priority at the UN these days, so we can all sit back and wait to see how Guterres will attempt to ramp up his tiresome, counterproductive hyperbole next. Expecting anything more is a fool’s errand.
David Blackmon is an energy writer and consultant based in Texas. He spent 40 years in the oil and gas business, where he specialized in public policy and communications.
Energy
Indigenous-led Projects Hold Key To Canada’s Energy Future

From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy
Indigenous leaders call for policy reforms and Indigenous equity ownership to unlock Canada’s energy potential
A surprising twist in Canada’s pipeline debate emerged on Jan. 21, 2025, when Alberta Premier Danielle Smith called for a revival of the Northern Gateway pipeline.
Unexpectedly, Grand Chief Stewart Phillip, president of the Union of B.C. Indian Chiefs, voiced support, warning that if Canada doesn’t act, Donald Trump will. Yet just a day later, Phillip abruptly retracted his statement, raising fresh questions about external influence and the future of Indigenous participation in energy development.
Northern Gateway, a pipeline once proposed to carry Alberta oilsands crude to the B.C. coast for export to Asia, was cancelled in 2016 after years of environmental opposition and legal challenges. Its demise became a symbol of Canada’s broader struggles to balance resource development, environmental concerns and Indigenous rights. Now, amid rising global energy demand and growing Indigenous interest in ownership stakes, calls to revive the project are resurfacing, with political, legal and economic implications.
Adding to the intrigue, Phillip has long been a vocal critic of major resource projects, including Northern Gateway, making his initial endorsement all the more surprising.
Some observers, like Calvin Helin, a member of the Tsimshian Nation and principal at INDsight Advisers, see deeper forces at work. A lawyer specializing in commercial and Indigenous law and a best-selling author, Helin believes the incident highlights how environmental activists are shaping the conversation.
“Environmental groups have infiltrated some Indigenous organizations,” Helin said in an interview. “They managed to support a government that championed their agendas, particularly Alberta-focused objectives like the coastal pipeline ban and changes to the regulatory approval system. In this era of Trump, all they’ve managed to do is weaken Canada’s position.”
Nonetheless, Helin emphasized that the energy industry has learned the importance of genuine engagement with Indigenous interests. He pointed out that Indigenous leaders increasingly support responsible natural resource development. Inclusion and recognition from the outset, Helin argued, are essential for energy projects in 2025 and beyond.
After the cancellation of Northern Gateway, Indigenous leader Dale Swampy, who helped establish the Northern Gateway Aboriginal Equity Partners, formed the National Coalition of Chiefs, a pro-development alliance of First Nation chiefs advocating for oil and gas development in their communities.
Swampy continues to champion the idea of a pipeline dedicated solely to moving bitumen to the coast, arguing that Canada has been “putting all its eggs in one basket” by selling almost exclusively to the United States while competitors, including the U.S. itself, have entered global markets.
According to the Canadian Energy Centre, global demand for oil and gas in emerging and developing economies is expected to remain robust through 2050. With the added pressures of U.S. tariffs, conversations about Canadian pipelines to tidewater have gained urgency. Swampy advocates for a policy reset and the revival of Northern Gateway, this time powered by Indigenous equity investment.
“First, we’ve got to get rid of the oil tanker ban (Bill C-48),” Swampy said. “We need more fluid regulatory processes so we can build projects on a reasonable timeline, without costing us billions more waiting for approvals—like TMX (Trans Mountain Expansion Project). And you’ve got to get the proponents back to the table. Last time, 31 of the 40 communities were already signed on. I believe we can get them on board again.”
Swampy continues to work with industry partners to develop an Indigenous-led bitumen pipeline to the West Coast. “We can get this project built if it’s led by First Nations.”
He also noted that other Indigenous leaders are increasingly recognizing the benefits of collaborating on resource development, whether in mining or B.C. LNG projects, which he says enjoy widespread First Nations support.
Discussions with Helin, Swampy and other Indigenous leaders resulted in the following policy recommendations for 2025 and beyond.
- Repeal Bill C-69, the Impact Assessment Act. It blocks not only pipelines but also mines, refineries, export plants and other energy infrastructure in which First Nations want to invest. The Supreme Court of Canada ruled it unconstitutional on Oct. 13, 2023.
- Cut taxes to offset U.S. tariffs. Reducing taxes on investment and energy projects can neutralize tariff impacts and attract new investment. Eliminate the carbon tax, which Indigenous leaders argue has placed Canada at a strategic disadvantage globally.
- Repeal Bill C-59, the so-called greenwashing bill. According to Stephen Buffalo, president and chief executive officer of the Indian Resource Council of Canada, this legislation has silenced many voices within the Indigenous energy community.
- Approve LNG plants and related infrastructure. Canada currently sells gas exports almost exclusively to the United States, but there’s a strong business case for expanding to Asian and European markets. In a recent Canadian Energy Ventures webcast, it was revealed that LNG sold to Europe fetches up to 16 times the price Canada receives from U.S. sales. First Nations are already successfully involved in Woodfibre LNG, Cedar LNG and Ksi Lisims LNG in B.C.
- Cut regulatory delays. Prolonged approval timelines erode investor confidence. Streamlining processes can help projects proceed in reasonable timeframes.
Finally, clarify reconciliation guidelines. Clearly define what constitutes meaningful consultation. Industry must treat Indigenous peoples as true partners, advancing economic reconciliation through equity partnerships.
A social media stir over Northern Gateway has reignited debate over Indigenous ownership in Canada’s energy future. While some leaders waver, others like Helin and Swampy make a compelling case: Indigenous-led projects are crucial for Canada’s economic and energy security. Their message is clear — repeal restrictive policies, accelerate project approvals and embrace Indigenous equity. If Ottawa removes the roadblocks, Canada can unlock its full energy potential.
Maureen McCall is an energy business analyst and Fellow at the Frontier Center for Public Policy. She writes on energy issues for EnergyNow and the BOE Report. She has 20 years of experience as a business analyst for national and international energy companies in Canada.
Energy
Many Canadians—and many Albertans—live in energy poverty

From the Fraser Institute
By Tegan Hill and Elmira Aliakbari
Amid an ongoing trade war with the United States, which will increase prices for Canadian and American consumers alike, affordable energy is crucial to fuel our daily lives and power the economy. Unfortunately, energy prices have been rising for years, straining household budgets across Canada including in Alberta.
For perspective, from 2002 to 2023 (the latest year of available data) the price of energy (electricity, gasoline, etc.) grew by 105.5 per cent compared to 53.5 per cent for non-energy goods and services. This reflects a significantly higher increase in energy prices compared to other goods.
Why have energy prices increased?
While there are many factors, bad government policy has added fuel to the fire. The list includes the federal carbon tax, which remains in place for large industrial emitters. And Ottawa’s “Clean Electricity Regulations,” which mandate that by 2050, 100 per cent of Canada’s electricity must come from clean energy sources as wind, solar, hydro, etc. To meet this goal, Canada would need to build a massive amount of new infrastructure and technology, potentially driving electricity costs even higher.
Of course, Canadians pay the price for bad policy. Due in part to rising energy prices, in 2021 (the latest year of available data), 11.0 per cent of Canadians lived in “energy poverty”—that is, at least 10 per cent of their household total annual spending paid for energy-related goods such as electricity, natural gas, gasoline and other heating fuels. In Alberta, the number was 10.0 per cent. All told, that’s a lot people in energy poverty.
And energy poverty disproportionally affects lower-income households. For instance, in 2021 across Canada, 22.1 per cent of households earning $31,200 or less, and 20.7 per cent earning between $31,200.01 and $55,000, were in a state of energy poverty compared to only 1.6 per cent of households earning more than $124,000.
When the next federal government—whoever that may be—works with the provinces to develop energy policy, it should understand the significant level of energy poverty in Canada including Alberta, particularly among low-income households. Increasing energy prices further would likely increase the burden on families already experiencing energy poverty and those families at risk of falling into it.
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