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Trudeau’s Latest Scandal: Billions in Indigenous Procurement Fraud Exposed in Explosive OGGO Committee 145

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Crystal Semaganis, the leader of the Ghost Warrior Society

As Trudeau Dodges Accountability on Foreign Interference, His Government’s Systemic Corruption in Indigenous Procurement is Revealed—Witness: “Billions Stolen by Fake Indigenous Businesses”

This week, Justin Trudeau was grilled during the Hogue Inquiry on foreign interference—a spectacle where, despite all his smoke and bluster, no one was named as traitors. Classic Trudeau: all talk, no action. But while the Prime Minister was busy dodging accountability on the global stage, a new scandal was brewing right under our noses. It’s not just foreign interference, WE Charity, SNC-Lavalin, his Green Slush Fund, or ArriveCAN. Oh no, it’s much worse.

For someone who loves to virtue-signal about reconciliation, Trudeau’s record on actually helping Indigenous communities is crumbling. Yesterday’s Meeting No. 145 of the Standing Committee on Government Operations and Estimates (OGGO) tore apart the Liberal façade of caring about Indigenous rights. The truth? Fraud, corruption, and negligence are running rampant within Trudeau’s government, and it’s Indigenous people who are paying the price.

Witnesses from the Ghost Warrior Society and PLATO Testing exposed just how deep the rot goes. Crystal Semaganis, the leader of the Ghost Warrior Society, and Denis Carignan, president of PLATO Testing, laid out in chilling detail how fake Indigenous businesses are stealing billions of dollars meant for real Indigenous communities, all while Trudeau’s government sits back and lets it happen.

So, while Trudeau might want you to think he’s the champion of reconciliation, this committee revealed the real story: Trudeau’s corruption is systemic, and it’s Indigenous people who are being exploited. It’s time we dive into the committee and expose this latest chapter in the Trudeau scandal saga. Buckle up.

Trudeau’s Newest Scandal- Indigenous Procurement

The OGGO committee hearing on Indigenous procurement was supposed to be a moment of reckoning—a chance for the Trudeau government to finally come clean about the rampant fraud within its own ranks. Instead, what we witnessed was a masterclass in Liberal deflection, corruption, and the complete and total betrayal of the Indigenous communities Justin Trudeau pretends to care about.

This wasn’t just another day in Ottawa where Liberals paid lip service to reconciliation. Oh no, this committee meeting exposed the stunning hypocrisy at the heart of the Trudeau government. What the Liberals don’t want you to know is that billions of dollars—yes, billions—have been stolen by fake Indigenous businesses, all under the nose of the Trudeau government. And guess what? They’ve done nothing to stop it.

The star witness, Crystal Semaganis, leader of the Ghost Warrior Society, laid it out for everyone to see. These fraudulent actors—companies and individuals pretending to be Indigenous—have exploited a broken system where no one verifies Indigenous identity. According to Semaganis, billions of dollars in contracts meant to uplift Indigenous communities have been stolen by what she called “corporations posing as Indigenous Nations (CPIN).”

She even gave specific examples: one company alone has raked in $163 million since 1994 by pretending to be Indigenous. That’s right—$163 million. And how did this happen? Because the Trudeau government relies on an honor system for verifying Indigenous identity. You heard that right: an honor system. And because there’s no centralized system to authenticate claims, anyone can say they’re Indigenous, grab a few million in contracts, and laugh all the way to the bank.

Let’s be clear about what’s happening here: real Indigenous people are being robbed by these fraudsters, and the government is standing by, doing nothing. No oversight. No accountability. No legal consequences.

Larry Brock and Garnett Genuis: The Conservatives Fight Back

Thankfully, the Conservative MPs on this committee didn’t let Trudeau’s government get away with this fraud without a fight. Larry Brock (MP for Brantford—Brant) and Garnett Genuis (MP for Sherwood Park—Fort Saskatchewan) came out swinging, and they weren’t about to let the Liberals dodge accountability.

Brock, in particular, delivered a fiery takedown of the Liberal corruption machine. He pointed out that this kind of fraud doesn’t happen in a vacuum. No, this is part of a pattern of corruption that starts at the top—with Justin Trudeau himself. From WE Charity to SNC-Lavalin and now this Indigenous procurement scandal, it’s clear the Trudeau Liberals have made an art form out of covering up fraud and protecting their political cronies.

Brock wasn’t just making vague accusations—he linked it all together. He reminded the committee that, just like with ArriveCAN and WE Charity, the Liberals’ first instinct is always to protect their own. They obstruct, delay, and stall investigations until the truth is buried so deep that Canadians move on. But Brock wasn’t going to let this scandal go the same way. He grilled the witnesses, demanding answers on how these fake Indigenous entities could steal billions while the Trudeau government sat on its hands.

Garnett Genuis: “This government has a pattern of shutting down committees and avoiding accountability whenever it gets uncomfortable. They don’t want the truth, they want the scandal buried!”

Garnett Genuis, meanwhile, delivered the knockout punch. He didn’t mince words when he accused the Trudeau government of deliberately choosing not to act. Genuis pointed out that this fraud has been happening for years, and yet the government has refused to implement any kind of legal framework to stop it. Why? Because they benefit from the status quo. The fake Indigenous businesses walking away with billions in contracts? Many of them have deep connections within the Liberal Party. It’s not just negligence—it’s complicity.

The Liberal Stall: A Pattern of Dodging Accountability

But what did the Liberal MPs do in response to these explosive revelations? Did they express outrage? Did they vow to put an end to this fraud? Of course not. Instead, they did what Liberals always do when caught in a scandal: stall and deflect.

Sameer Zuberi, Jenica Atwin, and Majid Jowhari spent their time filibustering, offering vague platitudes about “improving the process” and “working together” to help Indigenous communities. Zuberi, the MP for Pierrefonds—Dollard, tried to steer the conversation toward how the government could improve future Indigenous business opportunities, conveniently sidestepping the massive fraud happening right now under his government’s watch.

Atwin, MP for Fredericton, delivered a particularly pathetic performance, rambling about reconciliation without once addressing the real issue of billions being stolen. And Majid Jowhari MP for Richmond Hill? Well, he focused on processes and frameworks, pretending the fraud revelations weren’t even the central issue.

These Liberals weren’t interested in getting to the bottom of this scandal. They were only interested in running out the clock, hoping the committee would end before anyone could connect the dots between this fraud and Trudeau’s corruption.

Final Thoughts

Let’s stop pretending that Justin Trudeau and his Liberals are going to do anything about this. They won’t. They’ve been caught red-handed, allowing billions to be stolen from Indigenous communities by fraudulent actors, and their only response has been to stall, deflect, and cover up. That’s their playbook. But we can’t let them get away with it.

It’s time for the opposition to step up—to do what this government refuses to do. The Conservatives, like Larry Brock and Garnett Genuis, need to pull the rug off this scandal and shine a light on the rot that’s taken hold of Indigenous procurement. We can’t let this cancer of corruption continue to fester under the surface while Trudeau and his cronies pat themselves on the back for their so-called reconciliation.

This isn’t just about fraud—it’s about honor and patriotism. We owe it to the Indigenous communities of this country to fight for them when their government won’t. We owe it to every hardworking taxpayer who sees their dollars funneled into fraudulent schemes, enriching those who know how to game the system. This is a battle for the soul of Canada, and it’s a battle that the opposition must take head-on.

If we believe in truth, if we believe in justice, then we can’t stop until every fake Indigenous business, every fraudulent actor, and every Liberal enabler is exposed. The cancer must be cut out. Canada deserves better. Our Indigenous people deserve better. And it’s time to hold this government to account, once and for all.

The opposition has a duty to tear down the curtain and show Canadians what’s really going on behind Trudeau’s façade of virtue-signaling. This isn’t just about politics—it’s about the future of our country, and the integrity of our government.

It’s time to act. Pull the rug off, expose the cancer, and take our country back.

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Federal government should swiftly axe foolish EV mandate

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From the Fraser Institute

By Kenneth P. Green

Two recent events exemplify the fundamental irrationality that is Canada’s electric vehicle (EV) policy.

First, the Carney government re-committed to Justin Trudeau’s EV transition mandate that by 2035 all (that’s 100 per cent) of new car sales in Canada consist of “zero emission vehicles” including battery EVs, plug-in hybrid EVs and fuel-cell powered vehicles (which are virtually non-existent in today’s market). This policy has been a foolish idea since inception. The mass of car-buyers in Canada showed little desire to buy them in 2022, when the government announced the plan, and they still don’t want them.

Second, President Trump’s “Big Beautiful” budget bill has slashed taxpayer subsidies for buying new and used EVs, ended federal support for EV charging stations, and limited the ability of states to use fuel standards to force EVs onto the sales lot. Of course, Canada should not craft policy to simply match U.S. policy, but in light of policy changes south of the border Canadian policymakers would be wise to give their own EV policies a rethink.

And in this case, a rethink—that is, scrapping Ottawa’s mandate—would only benefit most Canadians. Indeed, most Canadians disapprove of the mandate; most do not want to buy EVs; most can’t afford to buy EVs (which are more expensive than traditional internal combustion vehicles and more expensive to insure and repair); and if they do manage to swing the cost of an EV, most will likely find it difficult to find public charging stations.

Also, consider this. Globally, the mining sector likely lacks the ability to keep up with the supply of metals needed to produce EVs and satisfy government mandates like we have in Canada, potentially further driving up production costs and ultimately sticker prices.

Finally, if you’re worried about losing the climate and environmental benefits of an EV transition, you should, well, not worry that much. The benefits of vehicle electrification for climate/environmental risk reduction have been oversold. In some circumstances EVs can help reduce GHG emissions—in others, they can make them worse. It depends on the fuel used to generate electricity used to charge them. And EVs have environmental negatives of their own—their fancy tires cause a lot of fine particulate pollution, one of the more harmful types of air pollution that can affect our health. And when they burst into flames (which they do with disturbing regularity) they spew toxic metals and plastics into the air with abandon.

So, to sum up in point form. Prime Minister Carney’s government has re-upped its commitment to the Trudeau-era 2035 EV mandate even while Canadians have shown for years that most don’t want to buy them. EVs don’t provide meaningful environmental benefits. They represent the worst of public policy (picking winning or losing technologies in mass markets). They are unjust (tax-robbing people who can’t afford them to subsidize those who can). And taxpayer-funded “investments” in EVs and EV-battery technology will likely be wasted in light of the diminishing U.S. market for Canadian EV tech.

If ever there was a policy so justifiably axed on its failed merits, it’s Ottawa’s EV mandate. Hopefully, the pragmatists we’ve heard much about since Carney’s election victory will acknowledge EV reality.

Kenneth P. Green

Senior Fellow, Fraser Institute
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Prime minister can make good on campaign promise by reforming Canada Health Act

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From the Fraser Institute

By Nadeem Esmail

While running for the job of leading the country, Prime Minister Carney promised to defend the Canada Health Act (CHA) and build a health-care system Canadians can be proud of. Unfortunately, to have any hope of accomplishing the latter promise, he must break the former and reform the CHA.

As long as Ottawa upholds and maintains the CHA in its current form, Canadians will not have a timely, accessible and high-quality universal health-care system they can be proud of.

Consider for a moment the remarkably poor state of health care in Canada today. According to international comparisons of universal health-care systems, Canadians endure some of the lowest access to physicians, medical technologies and hospital beds in the developed world, and wait in queues for health care that routinely rank among the longest in the developed world. This is all happening despite Canadians paying for one of the developed world’s most expensive universal-access health-care systems.

None of this is new. Canada’s poor ranking in the availability of services—despite high spending—reaches back at least two decades. And wait times for health care have nearly tripled since the early 1990s. Back then, in 1993, Canadians could expect to wait 9.3 weeks for medical treatment after GP referral compared to 30 weeks in 2024.

But fortunately, we can find the solutions to our health-care woes in other countries such as Germany, Switzerland, the Netherlands and Australia, which all provide more timely access to quality universal care. Every one of these countries requires patient cost-sharing for physician and hospital services, and allows private competition in the delivery of universally accessible services with money following patients to hospitals and surgical clinics. And all these countries allow private purchases of health care, as this reduces the burden on the publicly-funded system and creates a valuable pressure valve for it.

And this brings us back to the CHA, which contains the federal government’s requirements for provincial policymaking. To receive their full federal cash transfers for health care from Ottawa (totalling nearly $55 billion in 2025/26) provinces must abide by CHA rules and regulations.

And therein lies the rub—the CHA expressly disallows requiring patients to share the cost of treatment while the CHA’s often vaguely defined terms and conditions have been used by federal governments to discourage a larger role for the private sector in the delivery of health-care services.

Clearly, it’s time for Ottawa’s approach to reflect a more contemporary understanding of how to structure a truly world-class universal health-care system.

Prime Minister Carney can begin by learning from the federal government’s own welfare reforms in the 1990s, which reduced federal transfers and allowed provinces more flexibility with policymaking. The resulting period of provincial policy innovation reduced welfare dependency and government spending on social assistance (i.e. savings for taxpayers). When Ottawa stepped back and allowed the provinces to vary policy to their unique circumstances, Canadians got improved outcomes for fewer dollars.

We need that same approach for health care today, and it begins with the federal government reforming the CHA to expressly allow provinces the ability to explore alternate policy approaches, while maintaining the foundational principles of universality.

Next, the Carney government should either hold cash transfers for health care constant (in nominal terms), reduce them or eliminate them entirely with a concordant reduction in federal taxes. By reducing (or eliminating) the pool of cash tied to the strings of the CHA, provinces would have greater freedom to pursue reform policies they consider to be in the best interests of their residents without federal intervention.

After more than four decades of effectively mandating failing health policy, it’s high time to remove ambiguity and minimize uncertainty—and the potential for politically motivated interpretations—in the CHA. If Prime Minister Carney wants Canadians to finally have a world-class health-care system then can be proud of, he should allow the provinces to choose their own set of universal health-care policies. The first step is to fix, rather than defend, the 40-year-old legislation holding the provinces back.

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