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The Guilbeault – Trudeau Fallout: Canada’s Oil and Gas Emissions Cap is Under Fire from Experts and Business Leaders – Resource Works

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Steven Guilbeault, Canada’s environment and climate minister, at the COP28. Photo by AP.

By Resource Works

More News and Views From Resource Works Here

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and his eco-extremist Minister of the Environment and Climate Change Steven Guilbeault are risking hundreds of billions of dollars of investments in Alberta’s and Canada’s economies and core social programs

The federal government’s proposed cap on emissions from oil and gas has now been outlined in a draft.

While Ottawa insists that it is not a cap on the production of oil and gas, experts fail to see how the emissions cap is not also a de facto production cap, given the details of the policy.

The industry fears that, in effect, that is just what it is — with negative impacts on western provinces that produce oil and gas for domestic use and for export.

The federal government proposes to limit emissions for oil and gas at 35% to 38% below the 2019 level. At the same time, Ottawa says the new rules would allow production to increase 12% above 2019 levels.

The producers are trying to figure out the ups and downs of the policy, and there is a lot to unpack. The federal draft “framework”  is open for discussion and consultation until February 2024.

The initial reaction from the Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers was that the emissions cap could result in “significant” production cuts, and it called the government’s emissions framework unnecessary. Alberta’s oil and gas sector has been invested in decarbonization efforts and measures to reduce methane emissions, already beating a target of a 45% reduction by 2025.

Alberta Premier Danielle Smith furiously flamed that “This announced de facto production cap on Alberta’s oil and gas sector amounts to an intentional attack by the federal government on the economy of Alberta and the financial well-being of millions of Albertans and Canadians. . . .

“With their pronouncement singling out the oil and gas sector alone for punitive federal treatment, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and his eco-extremist Minister of the Environment and Climate Change Steven Guilbeault are risking hundreds of billions of dollars of investments in Alberta’s and Canada’s economies and core social programs, are devaluing the retirement investments of millions of Canadians, and are threatening the jobs of hundreds of thousands of Albertans.”

The Business Council of Canada hammered the cap as part of a “full-on charge against the oil and gas sector,” with no other industry so targeted by Ottawa. “It all seems punitive and short-sighted.”

The sectoral specificity is alarmingly pointed.

The Indigenous Resource Network also said it was disappointed by the emissions-cap announcement — and will seek an Indigenous exemption from the cap for Indigenous communities engaged in the oil and gas sector.

And Karen Ogen, CEO of the First Nations LNG Alliance, said from the COP28 climate conference in Dubai that the federal announcement is “disheartening” because of what resource projects mean to Indigenous people. “We’re being shoved aside again.”

The emissions cap follows the unravelling of the federal carbon tax. In the fall of 2023, the Federal Government made a number of exemptions and incentives, including removing the carbon tax from home heating in Atlantic Canada only. As Premiers in the rest of Canada voice their frustration, Saskatchewan even declared it will no longer collect the federal carbon tax at all.

Then the new national chief of the Assembly of First Nations, Cindy Woodhouse, said she ‘absolutely’ supports Ontario chiefs in a push for a review of federal carbon-pricing rules. The Ontario chiefs oppose the tax because they say it is not revenue neutral, especially for those on reserves, and because electric vehicles and heat pumps are neither available nor workable in many First Nations communities.

In the face of crumbling support for its policy agenda, Trevor Tombe of the University of Calgary saw in the new approach a softening of Ottawa’s enthusiasm for carbon taxes.

“I think it’s pretty clear that government is backing away from the carbon tax as a central pillar of their climate policy. And that means if you want to hit your target, you need to adopt other policies.”

Ergo, production (emissions) caps.

Debate continues over whether Canada is overdoing its climate measures, given that it produces only 1.5% of world emissions. And that Canada is the only top ten world oil producer that proposes such an emissions cap. None of the world’s other major oil producers have an emissions cap.

And then there’s the report from Canada’s independent parliamentary budget officer: “Canada’s own emissions are not large enough to materially impact climate change.”

He went on to say: “Consequently, Canada’s primary means of limiting the economic costs of climate change are through participation in a globally coordinated emissions reduction regime.”

LNG, anyone?

Whatever the final version of the regulatory cap looks like, we can expect to lose investment and economic activity, and the producing provinces, companies and their families can expect some pain.

That seems to be a trade-off that, to some extent, the federal government wants to make. But why is it going in this direction?

While some provinces like Quebec or Manitoba have incredible hydroelectric resources, and Ontario is Canada’s nuclear power leader, some provinces, especially in Western Canada, produce and consume oil and natural gas products.

BC produces natural gas in the northeast and is close to exporting LNG overseas. It is already contributing to transporting, refining and exporting oil that is produced elsewhere in the country.

These industries contribute to emissions, they cannot easily be phased out without serious implications for every aspect of how we live our lives. We rely on fossil fuels. So it’s not as simple as saying, “Let’s just get rid of it.”

Policy leaders globally are trying to resolve right now the question of what sacrifices and compromises are we willing to make in order to address climate change in a meaningful way; What is the rate of change and transformation that our economies are willing to accept? And that consumers — and voters — are willing to accept? What can we do without limiting human development in areas of the world where it’s still desperately needed?

We already have Ottawa’s carbon pricing (carbon taxation) scheme. The provinces have been given the opportunity to structure carbon pricing as they see fit, provided that it meets the baseline set by the federal government. Of course, not every province has wanted to do that.

Ottawa is signalling that they don’t think the carbon tax model has been working to meet the emissions (and electoral) targets that they’ve set. So now Ottawa has come up with this emissions backstop, what the feds call a cap-and-trade model for the oil and gas sector.

It’s fair to say that this scheme is a little bit more convoluted. It is going to limit industries. It will add consumer costs. It will cause even more confusion around energy. And we can certainly expect it to be challenged in court.

We’ve recently seen a number of federal environmental policies get kiboshed in courts on constitutional grounds, and criticized by judges across the country. Provincial governments have a tremendous stake in what goes on with natural resource development in their jurisdictions.

We don’t expect this issue of a federal emissions cap will be easily resolved. Look for it to be a very large part of the discussion around the next federal election.

All in all, there’s a lot of concern that, if the scheme is overly convoluted, industries could start to pull back. That could have a large impact on our ability to not only keep our economy strong and serve the interests of Canadians but also on our ability to invest in technologies that actually reduce emissions, like carbon capture or hydrogen.

Our Resource Works CEO, Stewart Muir, recently returned from the COP28 climate conference in Dubai. Among other things, he raised awareness of Canada’s role as a solutions provider to the world, from coal-displacing LNG to BC’s opportunity to become a major hydrogen energy hub.

We’ve made considerable progress in reducing emissions, especially in oil and gas. We have some of the most stringent regulations, not only on carbon and methane, but more broadly on, social and governance dimensions, how you manage local environmental concerns like water and land conservation, and protecting wildlife.

Canada has made huge progress at every level, and the energy sector is building new partnerships with Indigenous communities to ensure that they’re meaningfully included in land and environmental management and also in economic opportunities, including joint or sole ownership of projects.

We are part of addressing climate change and we are part of meeting the world’s energy needs sustainably, responsibly and reliably.

These are conversations that need to continue, and they need to inform our policy agenda as a country.

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Automotive

Federal government should swiftly axe foolish EV mandate

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From the Fraser Institute

By Kenneth P. Green

Two recent events exemplify the fundamental irrationality that is Canada’s electric vehicle (EV) policy.

First, the Carney government re-committed to Justin Trudeau’s EV transition mandate that by 2035 all (that’s 100 per cent) of new car sales in Canada consist of “zero emission vehicles” including battery EVs, plug-in hybrid EVs and fuel-cell powered vehicles (which are virtually non-existent in today’s market). This policy has been a foolish idea since inception. The mass of car-buyers in Canada showed little desire to buy them in 2022, when the government announced the plan, and they still don’t want them.

Second, President Trump’s “Big Beautiful” budget bill has slashed taxpayer subsidies for buying new and used EVs, ended federal support for EV charging stations, and limited the ability of states to use fuel standards to force EVs onto the sales lot. Of course, Canada should not craft policy to simply match U.S. policy, but in light of policy changes south of the border Canadian policymakers would be wise to give their own EV policies a rethink.

And in this case, a rethink—that is, scrapping Ottawa’s mandate—would only benefit most Canadians. Indeed, most Canadians disapprove of the mandate; most do not want to buy EVs; most can’t afford to buy EVs (which are more expensive than traditional internal combustion vehicles and more expensive to insure and repair); and if they do manage to swing the cost of an EV, most will likely find it difficult to find public charging stations.

Also, consider this. Globally, the mining sector likely lacks the ability to keep up with the supply of metals needed to produce EVs and satisfy government mandates like we have in Canada, potentially further driving up production costs and ultimately sticker prices.

Finally, if you’re worried about losing the climate and environmental benefits of an EV transition, you should, well, not worry that much. The benefits of vehicle electrification for climate/environmental risk reduction have been oversold. In some circumstances EVs can help reduce GHG emissions—in others, they can make them worse. It depends on the fuel used to generate electricity used to charge them. And EVs have environmental negatives of their own—their fancy tires cause a lot of fine particulate pollution, one of the more harmful types of air pollution that can affect our health. And when they burst into flames (which they do with disturbing regularity) they spew toxic metals and plastics into the air with abandon.

So, to sum up in point form. Prime Minister Carney’s government has re-upped its commitment to the Trudeau-era 2035 EV mandate even while Canadians have shown for years that most don’t want to buy them. EVs don’t provide meaningful environmental benefits. They represent the worst of public policy (picking winning or losing technologies in mass markets). They are unjust (tax-robbing people who can’t afford them to subsidize those who can). And taxpayer-funded “investments” in EVs and EV-battery technology will likely be wasted in light of the diminishing U.S. market for Canadian EV tech.

If ever there was a policy so justifiably axed on its failed merits, it’s Ottawa’s EV mandate. Hopefully, the pragmatists we’ve heard much about since Carney’s election victory will acknowledge EV reality.

Kenneth P. Green

Senior Fellow, Fraser Institute
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Economy

The stars are aligning for a new pipeline to the West Coast

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From Resource Works

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Mark Carney says another pipeline is “highly likely”, and that welcome news.

While attending this year’s Calgary Stampede, Prime Minister Mark Carney made it official that a new pipeline to Canada’s West Coast is “highly likely.”

While far from a guarantee, it is still great news for Canada and our energy industry. After years of projects being put on hold or cancelled, things are coming together at the perfect time for truly nation-building enterprises.

Carney’s comments at Stampede have been preceded by a number of other promising signs.

At a June meeting between Carney and the premiers in Saskatoon, Alberta Premier Danielle Smith proposed a “grand bargain” that would include a privately funded pipeline capable of moving a million barrels of oil a day, along with significant green investments.

Carney agreed with Smith’s plan, saying that Canada needed to balance economic growth with environmental responsibility.

Business and political leaders have been mostly united in calling for the federal government to speed up the building of pipelines, for economic and strategic reasons. As we know, it is very difficult to find consensus in Canada, with British Columbia Premier David Eby still reluctant to commit to another pipeline on the coast of the province.

Alberta has been actively encouraging support from the private sector to fund a new pipeline that would fulfil the goals of the Northern Gateway project, a pipeline proposed in 2008 but snuffed out by a hail of regulations under former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.

We are in a new era, however, and we at Resource Works remarked that last month’s G7 meeting in Kananaskis could prove to be a pivotal moment in the history of Canadian energy. An Ipsos poll found that Canada was the most favoured nation for supplying oil in the G7, and our potential as an energy superpower has never been more important for the democratic world, given the instability caused by Russia and other autocratic energy powers.

Because of this shifting, uncertain global climate, Canadian oil and gas are more attractive than ever, and diversifying our exports beyond the United States has become a necessity in the wake of Donald Trump’s regime of tariffs on Canada and other friendly countries.

It has jolted Canadian political leaders into action, and the premiers are all on board with strengthening our economic independence and trade diversification, even if not all agree on what that should look like.

Two premiers who have found common ground are Danielle Smith and Ontario Premier Doug Ford. After meeting at Stampede, the pair signed two memorandums of understanding to collaborate on studying an energy corridor and other infrastructure to boost interprovincial trade. This included the possibility of an eastward-bound pipeline to Ontario ports for shipping abroad.

Ford explicitly said that “the days of relying on the United States 100 percent, those days are over.” That’s in line with Alberta’s push for new pipeline routes, especially to northwestern B.C., which are supported by Smith’s government.

On June 10, Resource Works founder and CEO Stewart Muir wrote that Canadian energy projects are a daunting endeavour, akin to a complicated jigsaw puzzle, but that getting discouraged by the complexity causes us to lose sight of the picture itself. He asserted that Canadians have to accept that messiness, not avoid it.

Prime Minister Carney has suggested he will make adjustments to existing regulations and controversial legislation like Bill C-69 and the emissions cap, all of which have slowed the development of new energy infrastructure.

This moment of alignment between Ottawa, the provinces, and other stakeholders cannot be wasted. The stars are aligning, and it will be a tragedy if we cannot take a great step into the future of our country.

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