Health
RFK Jr. Drops Stunning Vaccine Announcement

The Vigilant Fox
This changes everything.
HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. just unveiled new reforms that could transform how this country treats vaccine injuries forever.
But before sharing the details with Chris Cuomo Thursday night, he exposed just how bad things really were inside the Department of Health and Human Services before he took charge.
According to Kennedy, parts of HHS were āselling patient information to each otherā and actively working against one another.
That means your private health dataāfunded by taxpayersāwas being treated like a commodity inside the same agency thatās supposed to protect it.
But it gets even worse. Kennedy said when he tried to access CMS dataāpatient and billing records from Medicare and Medicaidāhe was told HHS would have toĀ buy it backĀ from another branch of itself.
āSo I tried to get the CMS patient information, which belongs to the American people and belongs to HHS, and the sub-agencies said we have to buy it from them, and it doesnāt make any sense. There are sub-agencies that refuse to give us patient data,ā Kennedy lamented.
This kind of red tape, he argued, is exactly whatās prevented progress. But change is already in motion.
Kennedy pointed to DOGEāthe Department of Government Efficiencyāas one of the major drivers of reform.
āWeāre going from 82,000 workers to 62,000. Thatās tough on everybody. But I think in the long run weāre going to have much greater morale in a demoralized agency,ā he said.
The vaccine injury news broke when Kennedy announced that the CDC is creating aĀ new sub-agency focused entirely on vaccine injuriesāa long-overdue shift for patients whoāve spent years searching for answers without any support from the government.
āWeāre incorporating an agency within CDC that is going to specialize in vaccine injuries,ā Kennedy announced.
āThese are priorities for the American people. More and more people are suffering from these injuries, and we are committed to having gold-standard science make sure that we can figure out what the treatments are and that we can deliver the best treatments possible to the American people.ā
For years, the vaccine-injured have felt ignored or dismissed, as public health agencies refused to even acknowledge the problem. Now, thereās finally an initiative underway to investigate their injuries and to provide support.
Kennedy also revealed a series of additional HHS reforms aimed at turning Americaās health crisis around:
1. Operation Stork Speed
āWe launched Operation Stork Speed to improve our capacity to have good, nutritious baby formula for the American public that doesnāt have heavy metals or other poisons in it,ā Kennedy explained.
2. Eliminating Toxic Food Dyes
āWeāve met with the major food processors and told them we want chemical dyes out of all of our foods,ā he added.
3. Cleaning up the SNAP program
Kennedy also pointed out that a huge portion of government food aid is going toward sugar-filled sodasāand itās fueling a health crisis.
āTen percent of SNAP is now spent on soda drinks, which are giving diabetes to children⦠38% of American teens are now prediabetic or diabetic,ā he lamented.
āWe are reforming the SNAP program so that weāre not poisoning kids.ā
The ultimate goal, Kennedy said, is to restore Americaās health to what it was when he was a kidābefore toxic food dyes, ultra-processed foods, and an out-of-control 72-dose vaccine schedule entered the picture.
āWeāre reforming every part of the agency to make sure that our food supply is good and thatĀ we have the healthiest kids in the world, which we had when I was a kid.ā
Whether you agree with him or not, Kennedy is doing more at HHS than any leader in recent memoryāand for the first time in a long time, Americans injured by vaccines are finally being heard.
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Addictions
āOver and over until they dieā: Drug crisis pushes first responders to the brink

First responders say it is not overdoses that leave them feeling burned outāit is the endless cycle of calls they cannot meaningfully resolve
The soap bottle just missed his head.
Standing in the doorway of a cluttered Halifax apartment, Derek, a primary care paramedic, watched it smash against the wall.
Derek was there because the woman who threw it had called 911 again ā she did so nearly every day. She said she had chest pain. But when she saw the green patch on his uniform, she erupted. Green meant he could not give her what she wanted: fentanyl.
She screamed at him to call āthe red tagsā ā advanced care paramedics authorized to administer opioids. With none available, Derek declared the scene unsafe and left. Later that night, she called again. This time, a red-patched unit was available. She got her dose.
Derek says he was not angry at the woman, but at the system that left her trapped in addiction ā and him powerless to help.
First responders across Canada say it is not overdoses that leave them feeling burned out ā it is the endless cycle of calls they cannot meaningfully resolve. Understaffed, overburdened and dispatched into crises they are not equipped to fix, many feel morally and emotionally drained.
āWeāre sending our first responders to try and manage what should otherwise be dealt with at structural and systemic levels,ā said Nicholas Carleton, a University of Regina researcher who studies the mental health of public safety personnel.
Canadian Affairs agreed to use pseudonyms for the two frontline workers referenced in this story. Canadian Affairs also spoke with nine other first responders who agreed to speak only on background. All of these sources cited concerns about workplace retaliation for speaking out.
Moral injury
Canadaās opioid crisis is pushing frontline workers such as paramedics to the brink.
A 2024Ā studyĀ of 350 Quebec paramedics shows one in three have seriously considered suicide. Globally, ambulance workers have among theĀ highestĀ suicide rates of public service personnel.
Between 2017 and 2024, Canadian paramedics responded to nearly 240,000 suspected opioid overdoses. More than 50,000 of those were fatal.
Yet manyĀ paramedics say overdose calls are not the hardest part of the job.
āWhen they do come up, theyāre pretty easy calls,ā said Derek. Naloxone, a drug that reverses overdoses, is readily available. āI can actually fix the problem,ā he said. ā[Itās a] bit of instant gratification, honestly.ā
What drains him are the calls they cannot fix: mental health crises, child neglect and abuse, homelessness.
āThe ER has a [cardiac catheterization] lab that can do surgery in minutes to fix a heart attack. But thereās nowhere I can bring the mental health patients.
āSo they call. And they call. And they call.ā
Thomas, a primary care paramedic in Eastern Ontario, echoes that frustration.
āThe ER isnāt a good place to treat addiction,ā he said. āThey need intensive, long-term psychological inpatient treatment and a healthy environment and support system ā first responders cannot offer that.ā
That powerlessness erodes trust. Paramedics say patients with addictions often become aggressive, or stop seeking help altogether.
āWe have a terrible relationship with the people in our community struggling with addiction,ā Thomas said. āThey know they will sit in an ER bed for a few hours while being in withdrawals and then be discharged with a waitlist or no follow-up.ā
Carleton, of the University of Regina, says that reviving people repeatedly without improvement decreases morale.
āYouāre resuscitating someone time and time again,ā said Carleton, who is also director of the Psychological Trauma and Stress Systems Lab, a federal unit dedicated to mental health research for public safety personnel. āThat can lead to compassion fatigue ⦠and moral injury.ā
Katy Kamkar, a clinical psychologist focused on first responder mental health, saysĀ moral injuryĀ arises when workers are trapped in ethically impossible situations ā saving a life while knowing that person will be back in the same state tomorrow.
āBurnout is ⦠emotional exhaustion, depersonalization, and reduced personal accomplishment,ā she said in an emailed statement. āHigh call volumes, lack of support or follow-up care for patients, and/or bureaucratic constraints ⦠can increase the risk of reduced empathy, absenteeism and increased turnover.ā
Kamkar says moral injury affects all branches of public safety, not just paramedics. Firefighters, who are often the first to arrive on the scene, face trauma from overdose deaths. Police report distress enforcing laws that criminalize suffering.
Understaffed and overburdened
Staffing shortages are another major stressor.
āFirst responders were amazing during the pandemic, but it also caused a lot of fatigue, and a lot of people left our business because of stress and violence,ā said Marc-AndrĆ© PĆ©riard, vice president of the Paramedic Chiefs of Canada.
Nearly half of emergency medical services workersĀ experienceĀ daily āCode Blacks,ā where there are no ambulances available. Vacancy rates are climbing across emergency services. The federal government predictsĀ paramedicĀ shortages will persist over the coming decade, alongside moderate shortages ofĀ policeĀ andĀ firefighters.
Unsafe work conditions are another concern. Responders enter chaotic scenes where bystanders ā often fellow drug users ā mistake them for police. Paramedics can face hostility from patients they just saved, says PĆ©riard.
āPeople are upset that theyāve been taken out of their high [when Naloxone is administered] and not realizing how close to dying they were,ā he said.
Thomas says safety is undermined by vague, inconsistently enforcedĀ policies. And efforts to collect meaningful data can be hampered by aĀ work culture that punishes reporting workplace dangers.
āIf you report violence, it can come back to haunt you in performance reviewsā he said.
Some hesitate to wait for police before entering volatile scenes, fearing delayed response times.
ā[What] would help mitigate violence is to have management support their staff directly in ⦠waiting for police before arriving at the scene, support paramedics in leaving an unsafe scene ⦠and for police and the Crown to pursue cases of violence against health-care workers,ā Thomas said.
āRight now, the onus is on us ⦠[but once you enter], leaving a scene is considered patient abandonment,ā he said.
Upstream solutions
Carleton says paramedicsā ability to refer patients to addiction and mental health referral networks varies widely based on their location. These networks rely on inconsistent local staffing, creating a patchwork system where people easily fall through the cracks.
ā[Any] referral system butts up really quickly against the challenges our health-care system is facing,ā he said. āThose infrastructures simply donāt exist at the size and scale that we need.ā
PĆ©riard agrees. āThereās a lot of investment in safe injection sites, but not as much [resources] put into help[ing] these people deal with their addictions,ā he said.
Until that changes, the cycle will continue.
On May 8, AlbertaĀ renewedĀ a $1.5 million grant to support first respondersā mental health. Carleton welcomes the funding, but says it risks being futile without also addressing understaffing, excessive workloads and unsafe conditions.
āI applaud Albertaās investment. But there need to be guardrails and protections in place, because some programs should be quickly dismissed as ineffective ā but they arenāt always,ā he said.
CarletonāsĀ researchĀ found that fewer than 10 mental health programs marketed to Canadian governments ā out of 300 in total ā are backed up by evidence showing their effectiveness.
In his view, the answer is not complicated ā but enormous.
āWeāve got to get way further upstream,ā he said.
āWeāre rapidly approaching more and more crisis-level challenges⦠with fewer and fewer [first responders], and weāre asking them to do more and more.ā
This article was produced through the Breaking Needles Fellowship Program, which provided a grant toĀ Canadian Affairs, a digital media outlet, to fund journalism exploring addiction and crime in Canada. Articles produced through the Fellowship are co-published by Break The Needle and Canadian Affairs.
Business
Prime minister can make good on campaign promise by reforming Canada Health Act

From the Fraser Institute
While running for the job of leading the country, Prime Minister Carney promised to defend the Canada Health Act (CHA) and build a health-care system Canadians can be proud of. Unfortunately, to have any hope of accomplishing the latter promise, he must break the former and reform the CHA.
As long as Ottawa upholds and maintains the CHA in its current form, Canadians will not have a timely, accessible and high-quality universal health-care system they can be proud of.
Consider for a moment the remarkably poor state of health care in Canada today. According to internationalĀ comparisonsĀ of universal health-care systems, Canadians endure some of the lowest access to physicians, medical technologies and hospital beds in the developed world, and wait inĀ queuesĀ for health care that routinely rank among the longest in the developed world. This is all happening despite Canadians paying for one of the developed worldās most expensive universal-access health-care systems.
None of this is new. Canadaās poor ranking in the availability of servicesādespite high spendingāreaches back at least two decades. And wait times for health care have nearly tripled since the early 1990s. Back then, in 1993, Canadians could expect to wait 9.3 weeks for medical treatment after GP referral compared toĀ 30 weeksĀ in 2024.
But fortunately, we can find the solutions to our health-care woes in other countries such as Germany, Switzerland, the Netherlands and Australia, which all provide more timely access to quality universal care. Every one of these countries requires patient cost-sharing for physician and hospital services, and allows private competition in the delivery of universally accessible services with money following patients to hospitals and surgical clinics. And all these countries allow private purchases of health care, as this reduces the burden on the publicly-funded system and creates a valuable pressure valve for it.
And this brings us back to the CHA, which contains the federal governmentās requirements for provincial policymaking. To receive their full federal cash transfers for health care from Ottawa (totalling nearlyĀ $55 billionĀ in 2025/26) provinces must abide by CHA rules and regulations.
And therein lies the rubāthe CHA expresslyĀ disallowsĀ requiring patients to share the cost of treatment while the CHAās often vaguely defined terms and conditions have been used by federal governments to discourage a larger role for the private sector in the delivery of health-care services.
Clearly, itās time for Ottawaās approach to reflect a more contemporary understanding of how to structure a truly world-class universal health-care system.
Prime Minister Carney can begin by learning from the federal governmentās ownĀ welfare reformsĀ in the 1990s, which reduced federal transfers and allowed provinces more flexibility with policymaking. The resulting period of provincial policy innovation reduced welfare dependency and government spending on social assistance (i.e. savings for taxpayers). When Ottawa stepped back and allowed the provinces to vary policy to their unique circumstances, Canadians got improved outcomes for fewer dollars.
We need that same approach for health care today, and it begins with the federal governmentĀ reformingĀ the CHA to expressly allow provinces the ability to explore alternate policy approaches, while maintaining the foundational principles of universality.
Next, the Carney government should either hold cash transfers for health care constant (in nominal terms), reduce them or eliminate them entirely with a concordant reduction in federal taxes. By reducing (or eliminating) the pool of cash tied to the strings of the CHA, provinces would have greater freedom to pursue reform policies they consider to be in the best interests of their residents without federal intervention.
After more than four decades of effectively mandating failing health policy, itās high time to remove ambiguity and minimize uncertaintyāand the potential for politically motivated interpretationsāin the CHA. If Prime Minister Carney wants Canadians to finally have a world-class health-care system then can be proud of, he should allow the provinces to choose their own set of universal health-care policies. The first step is to fix, rather than defend, the 40-year-old legislation holding the provinces back.
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