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Council’s Strategic Plan Misses The Mark

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Opinion Editorial submitted by Chad Krahn

It took a full year, but we finally have a glimpse into where Mayor and Council want to take Red Deer. This week they released their Strategic Plan … and it’s underwhelming. The plan is heavy on buzzwords and light on a concrete vision of where Council wants the city to be in four years.

Let’s start with the “vision” statement Innovative Thinking, Strategic Results, Vibrant Community. These six words do not tell us anything about where Council wants to take the city or anything specific Council would like to achieve in four years. Where is the inspiring vision with big goals to propel our city toward
greatness and make us proud to be Red Deerians?

There is also a complete lack of anything specific to Red Deer; this document could easily be the strategic plan for Medicine Hat or Lacombe. Every community should want to thrive and be healthy and connected, but what will Council’s focus be to ensure Red Deer grows into the great city we know it can be?

The focus areas of A Thriving City, Community Health and Well-being and An Engaged and Connected City are all wonderful, but they are tough to measure.

Many of the goals that Council hopes to achieve are minimalist and are not stretching the capabilities or the imagination of Red Deerians. Council wants to have a “vibrant downtown” and a “strong, respectful, and collaborative relationships” with citizens. That’s nice, but the indicators are so weak that one more event downtown and the goal was achieved. If the population grows by one person, another goal is achieved. Many of the indicators focus on the feelings of Red Deerians, which are virtually impossible to measure. Data-driven results are a great goal, but how does Council expect to get data on our collective feelings? Without numbers and benchmarks, this becomes a plan that is impossible to fail but also exceedingly difficult to make progress toward any difficult goal.

One of the top issues for Red Deer is crime. This does get mentioned in a roundabout way under Community Health and Wellbeing as a Safe and Secure City. It also comes with some indicators:

 feeling of safety
 number of calls for service (urban encampments)
 Reported crime statistics are within guidelines specified in the Annual Policing Plan

This seems passive for a huge issue. Feelings of safety are essential, but they are, by nature, hard to measure. My feelings of safety have a lot to do with how recently my garage was broken into. They also want to measure the number of calls for service, particularly around rough sleeper camps. Why not just measure the number of rough sleeper camps? Rather than specifying that crime statistics are within guidelines, where is the commitment to make sure our crime rate drops so Red Deer doesn’t appear on Canada’s most dangerous cities? What about committing to innovative ideas for our police officers to help get the crime rate down? Or even efforts to increase the number of RCMP members in the city. The Mayor has spoken several times about how community safety is a top priority, so one would have expected it to feature more prominently in the Strategic Plan.

The economy is another top issue in Red Deer, which is mentioned under Local Economy is Strong and Diverse. And there are some indicators:

 Net gain of businesses in Red Deer
 Business developer and local contractor satisfaction

Neither of these indicators speaks to the diversity of the economy. While a net gain is better than a net loss, it hardly represents an aspirational goal. Would council be satisfied if there was only a single more business in the city after four years? Where is a percent growth benchmark that the plan is striving to achieve? Where is the commitment to being a regional economic driver? What happened to Mayor Johnston’s push for hydrogen service hub development in Red Deer? Would that not be something that belongs in a Strategic Plan?

Red Deer’s biggest challenge is that it is a city that thinks like a small town. We are on the cusp of having the best of both worlds – a great community with a small-town feel. But I fear we won’t get there without a clear and distinct vision that will propel our city toward greatness. We can be so much more.

Chad Krahn is a former candidate for Red Deer City Council.

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2025 Federal Election

Post election…the chips fell where they fell

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William Lacey's avatar William Lacey

I put a lot of personal energy into this election, trying to understand why it was that Canadians so wholeheartedly endorsed Mark Carney as their new leader, despite the fact that it was the same party who caused irreparable economic harm to the economy, and he has a similar philosophical outlook to the core outlook of the party. I truly believe that we have moved to a phase in our electoral process where, until something breaks, left leaning ideology will trump the day (pun intended).

Coming out of this election I have three questions.

1. What of Pierre Poilievre? The question for Conservatives is whether the wolves feed on the carcass of Poilievre (in my opinion the worst enemy of a Conservative is a Conservative) and initiate the hunt for a new leader (if they do, I believe the future should be led by a woman – Melissa Lantsman or possibly Caroline Mulroney), or does Poilievre move to Alberta and run for a “safe” seat to get back into the House of Commons, change his tone, and show people he too can be Prime Ministerial? His concession speech gives clues to this.

2. What of Mark Carney? Maybe (hopefully) Carney will see the light and try to bring the nation together, as there is an obvious east-west split in the country in terms of politics. Time will tell, and minority governments need to be cautious. Will we have a Supply and Confidence 2.0 or will we see olive branches extended?

3. What of the House of Commons? As I have mentioned previously, there has been discussion that the House of Commons may not sit until after the summer break, meaning that the House of Commons really will not have conducted any business in almost a year by the time it reconveens. If indeed “we are in the worst crisis of our lives” as Prime Minister Carney campaigned on, then should we not have the House of Commons sit through the summer? After all, the summer break usually is for politicians to go back to their ridings and connect with their constituents, but if an election campaign doesn’t constitute connecting, what does?

Regardless, as the election is behind us, we now need to see what comes. I will try to be hopeful, but remain cautious. May Canada have better days ahead.

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Banks

TD Bank Account Closures Expose Chinese Hybrid Warfare Threat

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From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy

By Scott McGregor

Scott McGregor warns that Chinese hybrid warfare is no longer hypothetical—it’s unfolding in Canada now. TD Bank’s closure of CCP-linked accounts highlights the rising infiltration of financial interests. From cyberattacks to guanxi-driven influence, Canada’s institutions face a systemic threat. As banks sound the alarm, Ottawa dithers. McGregor calls for urgent, whole-of-society action before foreign interference further erodes our sovereignty.

Chinese hybrid warfare isn’t coming. It’s here. And Canada’s response has been dangerously complacent

The recent revelation by The Globe and Mail that TD Bank has closed accounts linked to pro-China groups—including those associated with former Liberal MP Han Dong—should not be dismissed as routine risk management. Rather, it is a visible sign of a much deeper and more insidious campaign: a hybrid war being waged by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) across Canada’s political, economic and digital spheres.

TD Bank’s move—reportedly driven by “reputational risk” and concerns over foreign interference—marks a rare, public signal from the private sector. Politically exposed persons (PEPs), a term used in banking and intelligence circles to denote individuals vulnerable to corruption or manipulation, were reportedly among those flagged. When a leading Canadian bank takes action while the government remains hesitant, it suggests the threat is no longer theoretical. It is here.

Hybrid warfare refers to the use of non-military tools—such as cyberattacks, financial manipulation, political influence and disinformation—to erode a nation’s sovereignty and resilience from within. In The Mosaic Effect: How the Chinese Communist Party Started a Hybrid War in America’s Backyard, co-authored with Ina Mitchell, we detailed how the CCP has developed a complex and opaque architecture of influence within Canadian institutions. What we’re seeing now is the slow unravelling of that system, one bank record at a time.

Financial manipulation is a key component of this strategy. CCP-linked actors often use opaque payment systems—such as WeChat Pay, UnionPay or cryptocurrency—to move money outside traditional compliance structures. These platforms facilitate the unchecked flow of funds into Canadian sectors like real estate, academia and infrastructure, many of which are tied to national security and economic competitiveness.

Layered into this is China’s corporate-social credit system. While framed as a financial scoring tool, it also functions as a mechanism of political control, compelling Chinese firms and individuals—even abroad—to align with party objectives. In this context, there is no such thing as a genuinely independent Chinese company.

Complementing these structural tools is guanxi—a Chinese system of interpersonal networks and mutual obligations. Though rooted in trust, guanxi can be repurposed to quietly influence decision-makers, bypass oversight and secure insider deals. In the wrong hands, it becomes an informal channel of foreign control.

Meanwhile, Canada continues to face escalating cyberattacks linked to the Chinese state. These operations have targeted government agencies and private firms, stealing sensitive data, compromising infrastructure and undermining public confidence. These are not isolated intrusions—they are part of a broader effort to weaken Canada’s digital, economic and democratic institutions.

The TD Bank decision should be seen as a bellwether. Financial institutions are increasingly on the front lines of this undeclared conflict. Their actions raise an urgent question: if private-sector actors recognize the risk, why hasn’t the federal government acted more decisively?

The issue of Chinese interference has made headlines in recent years, from allegations of election meddling to intimidation of diaspora communities. TD’s decision adds a new financial layer to this growing concern.

Canada cannot afford to respond with fragmented, reactive policies. What’s needed is a whole-of-society response: new legislation to address foreign interference, strengthened compliance frameworks in finance and technology, and a clear-eyed recognition that hybrid warfare is already being waged on Canadian soil.

The CCP’s strategy is long-term, multidimensional and calculated. It blends political leverage, economic subversion, transnational organized crime and cyber operations. Canada must respond with equal sophistication, coordination and resolve.

The mosaic of influence isn’t forming. It’s already here. Recognizing the full picture is no longer optional. Canadians must demand transparency, accountability and action before more of our institutions fall under foreign control.

Scott McGregor is a defence and intelligence veteran, co-author of The Mosaic Effect: How the Chinese Communist Party Started a Hybrid War in America’s Backyard, and the managing partner of Close Hold Intelligence Consulting Ltd. He is a senior security adviser to the Council on Countering Hybrid Warfare and a former intelligence adviser to the RCMP and the B.C. Attorney General. He writes for the Frontier Centre for Public Policy.

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