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Cost of federal government debt rising for Canadians

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From the Fraser Institute

By Ben Eisen and Jake Fuss

As the federal deficit persists and government debt mounts, the burden of debt interest costs is growing for Canadian taxpayers.

The Trudeau government is on track for another large budget deficit forecasted at $40.0 billion, slightly larger than the $35.3 billion deficit last year. The government’s long-term forecast suggests deficits will continue throughout the projection period, which ends in 2028/29.

There’s nothing new about the federal books being splashed with red ink. The Trudeau government has run significant deficits every year of its tenure. What’s different this time, however, is that due to higher interest rates the cost of the government’s borrowing is much higher. As a result, debt costs are set to increase significantly in the years ahead, which will burden taxpayers today and in the future while also making it harder for future prime ministers and finance ministers to balance their books.

Let’s dig a bit deeper into the numbers. When the Trudeau government took power during fiscal year 2015/16, debt interest costs were $21.8 billion. In 2021/22, despite a long string of deficits and huge increase in debt, low interest rates during the period of intensive borrowing prevented a surge in debt interest costs, which stood at $24.5 billion.

But last fiscal year marked the start of a new chapter in Canada’s fiscal history as higher interest rates combined with significant debt accumulation caused debt interest costs to rise substantially, from $24.5 billion to $35.0 billion. Another similar increase is expected this year, with debt costs forecasted to rise to $46.5 billion—a 90 per cent increase in just two years with a further projected increase to $52.4 billion for next year.

This sudden increase in debt interest costs has important and immediate implications for federal finances. In 2021/22, 5.9 per cent of all federal revenue was spent on paying the interest on federal debt. By next year, according to Trudeau government forecasts, this will rise to 10.8 per cent.

Canadian history shows us how debt interest costs can quickly spiral out of control. During the debt crisis of the early 1990s, after many years of continuous deficits, debt interest costs were consuming one-third of every dollar Ottawa collected. Today’s debt interest costs are not as high as they were in the 1990s, but there’s no reason to wait until a crisis develops to take action.

The fact that debt interest is taking a bigger bite out of federal revenue should not just be a matter of academic concern for public finance economists. It affects all Canadian taxpayers. A larger share of the money collected from individuals and businesses being spent on debt leaves less for other priorities such as tax relief, which can help encourage economic growth, or core public services that Canadians value.

The Trudeau government has often spoken about the benefits of fiscal restraint but has thus far failed to exercise much of it. If the prime minister and his cabinet want to halt the growth in debt interest they must reverse the free spending that has characterized their time in government to slow the accumulation of debt.

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Rhetoric—not evidence—continues to dominate climate debate and policy

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From the Fraser Institute

By Kenneth P. Green

Myths, fallacies and ideological rhetoric continue to dominate the climate policy discussion, leading to costly and ineffective government policies,
according to a new study published today by the Fraser Institute, an independent, nonpartisan Canadian public policy think-tank.

“When considering climate policies, it’s important to understand what the science and analysis actually show instead of what the climate alarmists believe to be true,” said Kenneth P. Green, Fraser Institute senior fellow and author of Four Climate Fallacies.

The study dispels several myths about climate change and popular—but ineffective—emission reduction policies, specifically:

• Capitalism causes climate change: In fact, according to several environment/climate indices and the Fraser Institute’s annual Economic Freedom of the World Index, the more economically free a country is, the more effective it is at protecting its environment and combatting climate change.

• Even small-emitting countries can do their part to fight climate change: Even if Canada reduced its greenhouse gas emissions to zero, there would be
little to no measurable impact in global emissions, and it distracts people from the main drivers of emissions, which are China, India and the developing
world.

• Vehicle electrification will reduce climate risk and clean the air: Research has shown that while EVs can reduce GHG emissions when powered with
low-GHG energy, they often are not, and further, have offsetting environmental harms, reducing net environmental/climate benefits.

• Carbon capture and storage is a viable strategy to combat climate change: While effective at a small scale, the benefits of carbon capture and
storage to reduce global greenhouse gas emissions on a massive scale are limited and questionable.

“Citizens and their governments around the world need to be guided by scientific evidence when it comes to what climate policies make the most sense,” Green said.

“Unfortunately, the climate policy debate is too often dominated by myths, fallacies and false claims by activists and alarmists, with costly and ineffective results.”

Four Climate Fallacies

  • This study examines four climate narratives circulating in public discourse regarding climate change.
  • Fallacy 1: Climate Change Is Caused by Capitalism. As we will observe, this is backward: the more capitalist a country is, the more effective it is at protecting its environment and combatting climate change.
  • Fallacy 2: Even Small-Emitting Countries Can Do Their Part to Fight Climate Change. Again, in reality, even a casual inspection of the emission trends and projections of large-emitting countries such as China would reveal that for small-emitting countries like Canada, even driving their greenhouse gas emissions to zero would have no measurable impact in reducing climate risk.
  • Fallacy 3: Vehicle Electrification Will Reduce Climate Risk and Clean the Air. However, when looking beyond the hype, it becomes evident that vehicle electrification presents an array of climate and environmental benefits and harms that extend beyond climate change.
  • Fallacy 4: Carbon Capture and Storage Is a Viable Strategy to Combat Climate Change. This fallacy, most popular with those in the fossil fuel industry and those of a more market-oriented and politically conservative bent, is no more realistic than the previous three. An examination of the history, effectiveness, and efficiency of carbon capture and storage suggests that it is a far more limited approach to regulating greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere than proponents suggest.
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Kenneth P. Green

Senior Fellow, Fraser Institute
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Canada’s economic pain could be a blessing in disguise

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This article supplied by Troy Media.

Troy Media By Roslyn Kunin

Tariffs, inflation, and falling incomes sound bad, but what if they’re forcing us to finally fix what’s broken?

Canada is facing serious economic headwinds—from falling incomes to rising inflation and U.S. trade hostility—but within this turmoil lies an  opportunity. If we respond wisely, this crisis could become a turning point, forcing long-overdue reforms and helping us build a stronger, more independent economy.

Rather than reacting out of frustration, we can use these challenges to reassess what’s holding us back and move forward with practical solutions. From
trade policy to labour shortages and energy development, there are encouraging shifts already underway if we stay focused.

A key principle when under pressure is not to make things worse for ourselves. U.S. tariffs on Canadian steel and aluminum, and the chaotic renegotiation of NAFTA/CUSMA, certainly hurt our trade-dependent economy. But retaliatory tariffs don’t work in our favour. Canadian imports make
up a tiny fraction of the U.S. economy, so countermeasures barely register there, while Canadian consumers end up paying more. The federal government’s own countertariffs on items like orange juice and whisky raised costs here without changing American policy.

Fortunately, more Canadians are starting to realize this. Some provinces have reversed bans on U.S. goods. Saskatchewan, for example, recently lifted
restrictions on American alcohol. These decisions reflect a growing recognition that retaliating out of pride often means punishing ourselves.

More constructively, Canada is finally doing what should have happened long ago: diversifying trade. We’ve put too many economic eggs in one
basket, relying on an unpredictable U.S. market. Now, governments and businesses are looking for buyers elsewhere, an essential step toward greater stability.

At the same time, we’re starting to confront domestic barriers that have held us back. For years, it’s been easier for Canadian businesses to trade with the U.S. than to ship goods across provincial borders. These outdated restrictions—whether on wine, trucks or energy—have fractured our internal market. Now, federal and provincial governments are finally taking steps to create a unified national economy.

Labour shortages are another constraint limiting growth. Many Canadian businesses can’t find the skilled workers they need. But here, too, global shifts
are opening doors. The U.S.’s harsh immigration and research policies are pushing talent elsewhere, and Canada is emerging as the preferred alternative.
Scientists, engineers and graduate students, especially in tech and clean energy, are increasingly choosing Canada over the U.S. due to visa uncertainty and political instability. Our universities are already benefiting. If we continue to welcome international students and skilled professionals, we’ll gain a long-term advantage.

Just as global talent is rethinking where to invest their future, Canada has a chance to reassert leadership in one of its foundational industries: energy.
The federal government is now adopting a more balanced climate policy, shifting away from blanket opposition to carbon-based energy and focusing instead on practical innovation. Technologies such as carbon capture and storage are reducing emissions and helping clean up so-called dirty oil. These cleaner energy products are in demand globally.

To seize that opportunity, we need infrastructure: pipelines, refining capacity and delivery systems to get Canadian energy to world markets and across our own country. Projects like the Trans Mountain pipeline expansion, along with east-west grid connections and expanded refining, are critical to reducing dependence on U.S. imports and unlocking Canada’s full potential.

Perhaps the most crucial silver lining of all is a renewed awareness of the value of this country. As we approach July 1, more Canadians are recognizing how fortunate we are. Watching the fragility of democracy in the U.S., and confronting the uncomfortable idea of being reduced to a 51st state, has reminded us that Canada matters. Not just to us, but to the world.

Dr. Roslyn Kunin is a respected Canadian economist known for her extensive work in economic forecasting, public policy, and labour market analysis. She has held various prominent roles, including serving as the regional director for the federal government’s Department of Employment and Immigration in British Columbia and Yukon and as an adjunct professor at the University of British Columbia. Dr. Kunin is also recognized for her contributions to economic development, particularly in Western Canada. 

Troy Media empowers Canadian community news outlets by providing independent, insightful analysis and commentary. Our mission is to support local media in helping Canadians stay informed and engaged by delivering reliable content that strengthens community connections and deepens understanding across the country.

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