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2025 Federal Election

Corporate Media Isn’t Reporting on Foreign Interference—It’s Covering for It

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The Opposition with Dan Knight Dan Knight

A CCP-linked propaganda campaign boosted Mark Carney, but instead of sounding the alarm, the CBC cast him as the victim. The truth? He wasn’t targeted—he was the beneficiary.

So let’s stop pretending. The headlines, the bureaucratic spin, the carefully worded talking points—none of it changes what actually happened. This week the Canadian government just confirmed what they’ve been denying for years: the Chinese Communist Party is interfering in our elections. Not in theory. Not in the abstract. Right now. In real time.

And who’s the beneficiary? It’s not the opposition. It’s not the people calling out foreign interference. It’s not the Conservative candidates getting smeared, doxxed, or targeted by digital hit jobs. No, the beneficiary is the man now leading the Liberal Party. The man who was handpicked to replace Trudeau and keep the globalist machine running smoothly. That man is Mark Carney.

According to the SITE Task Force—the very same group tasked with monitoring foreign interference—a CCP-linked WeChat account ran coordinated messaging in Chinese-language communities across Canada. That messaging didn’t attack Carney. It elevated him. It portrayed him as a strong, capable leader, someone who would stand up to the United States. That’s not an attack. That’s not foreign meddling meant to sow chaos. That’s targeted influence designed to shape an outcome. To tip the scale.

So what did the press do with this information? CBC, CTV, the Globe and Mail—they all ran with the same disingenuous line: “Chinese information operation focused on Carney.” Focused? That’s the best they could do? He wasn’t the focus. He was the favorite. He wasn’t the target. He was the chosen candidate. The state broadcaster, which receives $1.2 billion a year in taxpayer funds, chose to frame a CCP influence operation that benefited Carney as if he were the victim. And they wonder why trust in media is collapsing.

Meanwhile, who was actually targeted? Joe Tay. A Conservative candidate. A Canadian citizen. And someone with the courage to speak out against Beijing’s repression. For that, the Hong Kong government—acting on orders from the CCP—put a bounty on his head. HK$1 million for his arrest. And then, in an absolutely disgraceful moment, Liberal MP Paul Chiang repeated that bounty in public, in Canada, saying someone could take Tay to the Chinese consulate and claim the reward.

What was Carney’s response? He called it a “lapse in judgment.” A “teachable moment.” Chiang remained a candidate until the scandal became too big to ignore and the resignation came—conveniently timed just before midnight. And not once—not once—did Carney publicly condemn the CCP. Not once did he say the name of the regime running operations to influence Canadian politics. Not once did he call out the foreign government targeting his opponents and helping him.

Why would he? He doesn’t want the interference to stop. He and the Liberals have benefited from it before—just ask Han Dong in Don Valley North—and they’re benefiting from it now. This isn’t hesitation. It’s a pattern. A Liberal MP parrots a CCP bounty and they defend him. A CCP media operation boosts their leader and they stay quiet. CSIS warns them about Beijing’s interference and they bury it. Every time, they play dumb. Every time, it’s the same excuse: no impact, no problem, nothing to see here.

But Canadians are not blind. They can see what’s happening. They can see who benefits. And they’re starting to realize that this isn’t about safeguarding democracy. It’s about safeguarding a narrative. Because when your elections are being massaged by foreign powers, and your media is too compromised to call it out, the system doesn’t just have a problem. It has a crisis.

And if we don’t deal with it now—if we let Beijing call the shots and let the CBC clean up the mess—then we’re not a democracy anymore. We’re a client state. And the country we thought we had will be gone. Quietly. Carefully. And permanently.

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2025 Federal Election

NDP’s collapse rightly cost them official party status

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This article supplied by Troy Media.

Troy Media By Michael Taube

Official party status requires 12 seats. The NDP got seven. End of story

Rules are rules.

That, in a nutshell, is why the NDP wasn’t granted official party status in the House of Commons on Monday. Prime Minister Mark Carney and the
Liberals, to their credit, made the right decision.

Let’s examine why.

The 1963 Senate and House of Commons Act passed an amendment that gave an annual allowance to party leaders other than the prime minister and
leader of the Opposition. In doing so, the Canadian government had to establish what constitutes a “political party.” The definition they came up with was a sensible one: it had to have a “recognized membership of 12 or more persons in the House of Commons.”

This important amendment is still used today.

The NDP fell from 24 to a paltry seven seats in last month’s federal election. (There are a total of 343 seats in the House of Commons.) They finished with 1,234,673 votes, or 6.29 per cent, which was behind the Liberals, Conservatives and Bloc Québécois. Party leader Jagmeet Singh, who had represented the former Burnaby South riding since 2019, finished a distant third in the newly created Burnaby Central riding and resigned.

The NDP’s seven seats is well below the 12-seat requirement needed for official party status. This means Canada’s socialist alternative won’t be able to ask questions in the House of Commons and will lose out on money for research purposes.

Or, to put it another way, they’re plumb out of luck.

Hold on, some people said. They pointed out that the NDP’s seat count and popular vote only plummeted because many progressive voters backed Carney and the Liberals as the best option to counter U.S. President Donald Trump and his tariffs. They felt that the NDP’s long history as a champion for unions and the working class should count for something. They suggested there should be an exception to the rule.

Guess what? They’re wrong.

This is the worst election result in the party’s history. Even its predecessor, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), did marginally better in its first campaign. The CCF won seven out of 245 seats—and earned 410,125 votes, or 9.31 per cent—in the 1935 election. Party leader J.S. Woodsworth, who had represented the riding of Winnipeg North Centre as an Independent Labour MP since 1925, comfortably held his seat.

Meanwhile, this won’t be the first time they’ve ever lost official party status.

The NDP dropped from 43 to nine seats in the 1993 election. It was a dismal showing, to say the least. There was a suggestion at the time that then-party leader Audrey McLaughlin, the first woman to lead a party with political representation in Canada’s House of Commons, deserved a better fate. While the NDP certainly came closer to achieving the 12-seat requirement in this particular election, Prime Minister Jean Chrétien and the Liberals decided against granting them official party status.

Why? As I mentioned earlier, rules are rules.

Then again, British pilot Harry Day notably told his fellow flying ace Douglas Bader in 1931, “You know my views about some regulations—they’re written for the obedience of fools and the guidance of wise men.”

Does this mean that individuals and organizations who follow rules are, in fact, fools? Not at all. While certain rules in a liberal democratic society can range from slightly questionable to utterly ridiculous, they’re usually put in place for a specific purpose.

In the case of the House of Commons, it’s to ensure that a bar has been set with respect to political representation. Is 12 seats the right number? That’s difficult to say. It certainly prevents small protest parties and one-issue parties that unexpectedly win a tiny number of seats in an election from acquiring power and status right off the bat. They need to win more seats and grow in size and stature to reach a point of respectability. Most of them never reach this point and disappear while others float in a constant state of mediocrity like the Green Party of Canada. ’Tis the nature of the political beast.

One final point. If Singh and the NDP had reached double digits in total number of seats in 2025, a solid case could have been made in favour of official party status. If they had finished with 11 seats, it would have almost been a lock. Neither scenario ultimately materialized, which is why Carney and the Liberals did exactly what they did.

Michael Taube is a political commentator, Troy Media syndicated columnist and former speechwriter for Prime Minister Stephen Harper. He holds a master’s degree in comparative politics from the London School of Economics, lending academic rigour to his political insights. 

Troy Media empowers Canadian community news outlets by providing independent, insightful analysis and commentary. Our mission is to support local media in helping Canadians stay informed and engaged by delivering reliable content that strengthens community connections and deepens understanding across the country.

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2025 Federal Election

Judicial recounts give Conservatives 2 more seats, keeping Liberals short of majority

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From LifeSiteNews

By Anthony Murdoch

After a judicial recount, Conservative candidate Kathy Borrelli has officially won over Liberal incumbent Irek Kusmierczyk, in the Ontario riding of Windsor-Tecumseh-Lakeshore.

Judicial recounts from the 2025 federal election have given the Conservative Party two new seats, with one candidate winning by just four votes.

After a judicial recount, Conservative candidate Kathy Borrelli has officially won over Liberal incumbent Irek Kusmierczyk, in the Ontario riding of Windsor-Tecumseh-Lakeshore.

Borrelli got 32,090 votes, with Kusmierczyk getting 32,086 votes, and NDP candidate Alex Ilijoski getting 4,240 votes.

In the Newfoundland riding of Terra Nova-The Peninsulas, Conservative candidate Jonathan Rowe beat out Liberal Anthony Germain by just 12 votes after a recount with the initial result showing a Liberal victory.

The new election results mean the Conservatives now have 144 seats with the Liberals at 169, three short of a majority.

Judicial recounts are automatically triggered when the margin of victory for a candidate is less than 0.1 percent of valid votes.

While these recounts have favored the Conservatives, others have gone in the Liberal Party’s favor.

A May 16 judicial recount switched the southern Ontario riding of Milton East-Halton Hills South to the Liberals with a 21-vote victory over the Conservatives.

Overall, the election results have been a big blow to the Conservative Party, which on top of losing the election also saw its leader, Pierre Poilievre, fail to win his long-held seat. However, Poilievre is expected to run in a yet-to-be-announced by-election in Alberta to reclaim a seat in Parliament.

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