Business
Why Canada’s Failure to Act on Crime and Espionage May Be Irreversible
By Garry Clement
Clement: As a former RCMP officer who tracked global narco-finance and espionage, I believe we’re running out of time. Only a radical overhaul of our national security system can stop the erosion.
The Gathering Storm: Where Organized Crime Meets Espionage
From my earliest days in the RCMP through years embedded with global financial intelligence units, one reality has remained consistent—and it’s now accelerating: Canada is a soft target.
In Undercover in the Shady World of Organized Crime, I chronicled how criminal empires—from Italian syndicates to Asian Triads—operated in the shadows, laundering vast fortunes through our banks, casinos, and real estate. Back then, the fight was tactical. Today, it’s existential.
We are witnessing a merger of interests between transnational organized crime (TOC) and hostile foreign states. China’s United Front Work Department and the PRC’s intelligence arms don’t just exploit criminal infrastructure—they integrate with it. Safe houses, shell companies, and crypto laundering chains—they’re tools of both cartels and foreign governments. This convergence is the new hybrid threat, and Canada has not adapted.
Law Enforcement Paralysis: A System in Denial
Organized Crime: A “Geopolitical Weapon”
- CSIS reports that approximately 668 organized crime groups operate across Canada; 7 are considered “high-level threats,” with 45% active beyond provincial borders.
- Fentanyl superlabs in BC, Ontario, and Quebec show rising domestic drug production and export, including to the U.S., Europe, and Australia.
- Money laundering—estimated at $45–113 billion annually through real estate, casinos, banks, and crypto—is systemic and undermines fiscal and institutional integrity.
- Experts have warned in reporting by The Bureau: Organized crime networks are now “geopolitical weapons,” destabilizing communities, overwhelming services, and weakening borders.
In Canada Under Siege, I outline how our institutions—political, financial, and judicial—are outpaced by threat actors. As recently as 2024, CSIS acknowledged over 668 organized crime groups operating domestically. Yet funding, resources, and political will remain grossly inadequate.
Canada’s failure to implement meaningful anti–money laundering reforms—despite the Cullen Commission and FATF warnings—has left us vulnerable to becoming a hub for global illicit finance. We talk transparency while foreign-backed actors launder fentanyl profits through Vancouver condos. I’ve seen the evidence. We have the tools—but not the leadership.
RCMP units are still hamstrung by bureaucracy, resource gaps, and turf wars. Cybercrime enforcement? Understaffed and reactive. We’re deploying 20th-century structures against 21st-century adversaries.
The big problem: Canada’s enforcement remains under-resourced, fragmented, and reactive—threatening public health, safety, and economic integrity.
Foreign Interference: The Invisible Siege
Growing State Espionage & Foreign Interference
- CSIS confirms Canada faces sophisticated espionage threats from China, Russia, India, Iran, and others through person-to-person networks, digital campaigns, and elite infiltration.
- China is deemed Canada’s highest espionage threat, targeting democracy, research, institutions, and diaspora—using both overt and covert influence tactics over years.
- The Hogue Inquiry (2025) confirms foreign interference attempts in Canadian elections by China, India, and Russia—though so far deemed marginal and ineffective—while highlighting disinformation as the larger threat.
- Government steps include Bill C-70 (Countering Foreign Interference Act), an enhanced SITE Task Force, and CSIS/RCMP/CSE cooperation—but critics say responses lag behind evolving threats.
The revelations of China’s political interference, as outlined in the Hogue Inquiry, confirm what many of us in the intelligence world have warned about for years: that Canada has become a permissive environment for hostile influence operations.
China’s interference isn’t just about elections. It’s about long-term institutional capture—of universities, diaspora communities, tech sectors, and political offices. In both books, I detail how these efforts unfold: co-opting community leaders, silencing dissidents, and using underground banking to fund espionage and coercion.
Russia and Iran, too, are exploiting our open society—not through tanks or drones, but through hackers, gang proxies, and cyber psyops. These threats are not tomorrow’s—they are today’s battlefield.
Fiscal Reality vs. National Security: The Price of Delay
The rising national debt and aging population are limiting fiscal space. Yet the cost of inaction is even higher. If Canada doesn’t fund its intelligence, law enforcement, and border protection appropriately, we are essentially ceding sovereignty—incrementally and invisibly.
In Canada Under Siege, I argue this is a strategic moment. Investments in threat mitigation now—cybercrime squads, a national AML agency, a foreign influence registry—will pay long-term dividends. The longer we wait, the higher the cost of cleanup.
Canada is not yet lost. But as someone who’s spent five decades in the trenches—tracking narco dollars, interrogating gang members, briefing governments—I’ll say this:
We can’t keep policing yesterday’s crime with yesterday’s mindset.
The country must:
- Empower CSIS and FINTRAC with prosecutorial pathways.
- Create a standalone national enforcement agency for money laundering.
- Treat foreign interference as a national security emergency, not a partisan hot potato.
- Forge stronger partnerships with Five Eyes allies to share intelligence, tech, and rapid-response capabilities.
We can protect Canada. But not by looking away.
Former senior RCMP officer Garry Clement is author with Dean Baxendale and Michel Juneau Katsuya of the forthcoming book Canada Under Siege. He consults with corporations on anti-money laundering, contributed to the Canadian academic text Dirty Money, and wrote Undercover, In the Shady World of Organized Crime and the RCMP
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Addictions
The War on Commonsense Nicotine Regulation
From the Brownstone Institute
Cigarettes kill nearly half a million Americans each year. Everyone knows it, including the Food and Drug Administration. Yet while the most lethal nicotine product remains on sale in every gas station, the FDA continues to block or delay far safer alternatives.
Nicotine pouches—small, smokeless packets tucked under the lip—deliver nicotine without burning tobacco. They eliminate the tar, carbon monoxide, and carcinogens that make cigarettes so deadly. The logic of harm reduction couldn’t be clearer: if smokers can get nicotine without smoke, millions of lives could be saved.
Sweden has already proven the point. Through widespread use of snus and nicotine pouches, the country has cut daily smoking to about 5 percent, the lowest rate in Europe. Lung-cancer deaths are less than half the continental average. This “Swedish Experience” shows that when adults are given safer options, they switch voluntarily—no prohibition required.
In the United States, however, the FDA’s tobacco division has turned this logic on its head. Since Congress gave it sweeping authority in 2009, the agency has demanded that every new product undergo a Premarket Tobacco Product Application, or PMTA, proving it is “appropriate for the protection of public health.” That sounds reasonable until you see how the process works.
Manufacturers must spend millions on speculative modeling about how their products might affect every segment of society—smokers, nonsmokers, youth, and future generations—before they can even reach the market. Unsurprisingly, almost all PMTAs have been denied or shelved. Reduced-risk products sit in limbo while Marlboros and Newports remain untouched.
Only this January did the agency relent slightly, authorizing 20 ZYN nicotine-pouch products made by Swedish Match, now owned by Philip Morris. The FDA admitted the obvious: “The data show that these specific products are appropriate for the protection of public health.” The toxic-chemical levels were far lower than in cigarettes, and adult smokers were more likely to switch than teens were to start.
The decision should have been a turning point. Instead, it exposed the double standard. Other pouch makers—especially smaller firms from Sweden and the US, such as NOAT—remain locked out of the legal market even when their products meet the same technical standards.
The FDA’s inaction has created a black market dominated by unregulated imports, many from China. According to my own research, roughly 85 percent of pouches now sold in convenience stores are technically illegal.
The agency claims that this heavy-handed approach protects kids. But youth pouch use in the US remains very low—about 1.5 percent of high-school students according to the latest National Youth Tobacco Survey—while nearly 30 million American adults still smoke. Denying safer products to millions of addicted adults because a tiny fraction of teens might experiment is the opposite of public-health logic.
There’s a better path. The FDA should base its decisions on science, not fear. If a product dramatically reduces exposure to harmful chemicals, meets strict packaging and marketing standards, and enforces Tobacco 21 age verification, it should be allowed on the market. Population-level effects can be monitored afterward through real-world data on switching and youth use. That’s how drug and vaccine regulation already works.
Sweden’s evidence shows the results of a pragmatic approach: a near-smoke-free society achieved through consumer choice, not coercion. The FDA’s own approval of ZYN proves that such products can meet its legal standard for protecting public health. The next step is consistency—apply the same rules to everyone.
Combustion, not nicotine, is the killer. Until the FDA acts on that simple truth, it will keep protecting the cigarette industry it was supposed to regulate.
Alberta
Canada’s heavy oil finds new fans as global demand rises
From the Canadian Energy Centre
By Will Gibson
“The refining industry wants heavy oil. We are actually in a shortage of heavy oil globally right now, and you can see that in the prices”
Once priced at a steep discount to its lighter, sweeter counterparts, Canadian oil has earned growing admiration—and market share—among new customers in Asia.
Canada’s oil exports are primarily “heavy” oil from the Alberta oil sands, compared to oil from more conventional “light” plays like the Permian Basin in the U.S.
One way to think of it is that heavy oil is thick and does not flow easily, while light oil is thin and flows freely, like fudge compared to apple juice.
“The refining industry wants heavy oil. We are actually in a shortage of heavy oil globally right now, and you can see that in the prices,” said Susan Bell, senior vice-president of downstream research with Rystad Energy.
A narrowing price gap
Alberta’s heavy oil producers generally receive a lower price than light oil producers, partly a result of different crude quality but mainly because of the cost of transportation, according to S&P Global.
The “differential” between Western Canadian Select (WCS) and West Texas Intermediate (WTI) blew out to nearly US$50 per barrel in 2018 because of pipeline bottlenecks, forcing Alberta to step in and cut production.
So far this year, the differential has narrowed to as little as US$10 per barrel, averaging around US$12, according to GLJ Petroleum Consultants.
“The differential between WCS and WTI is the narrowest I’ve seen in three decades working in the industry,” Bell said.
Trans Mountain Expansion opens the door to Asia
Oil tanker docked at the Westridge Marine Terminal in Burnaby, B.C. Photo courtesy Trans Mountain Corporation
The price boost is thanks to the Trans Mountain expansion, which opened a new gateway to Asia in May 2024 by nearly tripling the pipeline’s capacity.
This helps fill the supply void left by other major regions that export heavy oil – Venezuela and Mexico – where production is declining or unsteady.
Canadian oil exports outside the United States reached a record 525,000 barrels per day in July 2025, the latest month of data available from the Canada Energy Regulator.
China leads Asian buyers since the expansion went into service, along with Japan, Brunei and Singapore, Bloomberg reports. 
Asian refineries see opportunity in heavy oil
“What we are seeing now is a lot of refineries in the Asian market have been exposed long enough to WCS and now are comfortable with taking on regular shipments,” Bell said.
Kevin Birn, chief analyst for Canadian oil markets at S&P Global, said rising demand for heavier crude in Asia comes from refineries expanding capacity to process it and capture more value from lower-cost feedstocks.
“They’ve invested in capital improvements on the front end to convert heavier oils into more valuable refined products,” said Birn, who also heads S&P’s Center of Emissions Excellence.
Refiners in the U.S. Gulf Coast and Midwest made similar investments over the past 40 years to capitalize on supply from Latin America and the oil sands, he said.
While oil sands output has grown, supplies from Latin America have declined.
Mexico’s state oil company, Pemex, reports it produced roughly 1.6 million barrels per day in the second quarter of 2025, a steep drop from 2.3 million in 2015 and 2.6 million in 2010.
Meanwhile, Venezuela’s oil production, which was nearly 2.9 million barrels per day in 2010, was just 965,000 barrels per day this September, according to OPEC.
The case for more Canadian pipelines
Worker at an oil sands SAGD processing facility in northern Alberta. Photo courtesy Strathcona Resources
“The growth in heavy demand, and decline of other sources of heavy supply has contributed to a tighter market for heavy oil and narrower spreads,” Birn said.
Even the International Energy Agency, known for its bearish projections of future oil demand, sees rising global use of extra-heavy oil through 2050.
The chief impediments to Canada building new pipelines to meet the demand are political rather than market-based, said both Bell and Birn.
“There is absolutely a business case for a second pipeline to tidewater,” Bell said.
“The challenge is other hurdles limiting the growth in the industry, including legislation such as the tanker ban or the oil and gas emissions cap.”
A strategic choice for Canada
Because Alberta’s oil sands will continue a steady, reliable and low-cost supply of heavy oil into the future, Birn said policymakers and Canadians have options.
“Canada needs to ask itself whether to continue to expand pipeline capacity south to the United States or to access global markets itself, which would bring more competition for its products.”
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