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Sending natural gas pipeline project back for environmental review could put $20 billion investment at risk

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Ksi Lisims LNG too important to fail

The BC Environmental Assessment Office (EAO) is expected to soon determine whether the Prince Rupert Gas Transmission (PRGT) pipeline project has been “substantially started” as per the conditions of its provincial environmental certificate. Later this summer, the EAO is also expected to issue a recommendation on the Ksi Lisims LNG project, which would be supplied by the PRGT pipeline.

If these regulatory hurdles are cleared, the project is still likely to face court challenges, including judicial review applications from environmental groups and potentially the Gitanyow First Nation. The stakes are high: Ksi Lisims LNG represents a $20 billion investment and is a clean energy mega-project that the government of Premier David Eby cannot afford to lose, both in terms of economic development and reconciliation with Indigenous communities.

Should the EAO conclude that PRGT has not made a substantial start, the project’s environmental certificate would expire. The proponents—the Nisga’a Nation and Western LNG—would then be required to restart the environmental review process from scratch. This would result in years of delay and potentially hundreds of millions of dollars in additional costs. Timing is especially critical for LNG projects targeting Asian markets, where long-term supply contracts, often lasting 15 to 20 years, must align with project timelines. Ksi Lisims aims to be operational by 2029.

Petronas Energy Canada CEO Mark Fitzgerald recently told the Greater Vancouver Board of Trade that Canada has an 18-month window to move key projects forward or risk losing investment opportunities. This warning echoes past experience: in 2017, Petronas canceled the Pacific Northwest LNG project just one week after the NDP government took office, despite having invested nearly $1 billion. That decision resulted in the mothballing of the PRGT pipeline and signaled the collapse of other major LNG projects, including Kitimat LNG (Chevron), Aurora LNG (Nexen), WCC LNG (ExxonMobil), and Prince Rupert LNG (Shell). Many investors instead shifted their focus to the United States.

While previous cancellations were partially attributed to macroeconomic factors, these did not deter LNG investment in other jurisdictions. In contrast, Ksi Lisims LNG has recently gained momentum, with significant financial backing from Blackstone Energy Transition Partners, Shell, and TotalEnergies through private placements, off-take agreements, and planned equity stakes. However, investor confidence is fragile and can evaporate if the project becomes mired in regulatory or legal delays.

The PRGT pipeline received its original environmental certificate in 2014 with a five-year term, later renewed once. The Nisga’a Nation and Western LNG must now demonstrate that substantial construction has commenced to maintain that certification. According to Western LNG, work completed includes clearing 47 kilometers of right-of-way on Nisga’a treaty lands, constructing 42 kilometers of road, and building nine bridges. Whether this constitutes a “substantial start” is under review. Groups such as Ecojustice and the Gitanyow First Nation have submitted objections, arguing that it does not meet the threshold.

It is notable that the Gitanyow originally supported PRGT through impact benefits agreements with the province and project agreements with the previous proponent, TC Energy. However, their position shifted after ownership transferred to the Nisga’a Nation and Western LNG. The Gitanyow now argue the project has changed substantially, including a re-routing near the western terminus to accommodate the new Ksi Lisims LNG terminal, which is located further north than the originally planned Pacific Northwest LNG terminal.

Such disputes highlight why both federal and provincial governments have recently begun developing fast-tracking legislation for major infrastructure projects deemed to be in the national interest. These new legislative tools are intended to reduce bureaucratic delays and provide greater regulatory certainty. Ksi Lisims and PRGT meet many of the criteria such legislation is designed to support and would be strong candidates for such treatment should the EAO’s decision result in further delays.

Importantly, Ksi Lisims LNG is not simply a project supported by the Nisga’a Nation—it is being led by them. In addition, all other First Nations along the proposed pipeline route, except the Gitanyow, appear to support the project and are being offered equity participation. This makes Ksi Lisims a powerful example of reconciliation in action.

Furthermore, the project’s floating LNG design significantly reduces its terrestrial footprint and associated environmental impact, particularly on fish habitats. The proponents have also committed to using electricity to power the liquefaction process—when it becomes available—to align with British Columbia’s net-zero emissions targets. These factors support the classification of Ksi Lisims LNG as a clean energy project.

If this project does not meet B.C.’s environmental and social standards, it is difficult to imagine what project could. As Ellis Ross, the newly elected Conservative MP for Skeena–Bulkley Valley, recently stated, “It hits so many of the bullets that politicians have been talking about for so many years.”

If federal and provincial leaders are serious about supporting “nation-building” infrastructure, then Ksi Lisims LNG should be at the top of the list—particularly if the EAO process creates further complications. That said, proponents remain cautiously optimistic. “I don’t think the Nisga’a will give up,” Ross added. “I don’t think it will fail. But if it doesn’t get approved, it will have to incur more cost and more time.”

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Energy

The IEA’s Peak Oil Fever Dream Looks To Be In Full Collapse

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From the Daily Caller News Foundation

By David Blackmon

U.S. Energy Secretary Chris Wright warned International Energy Agency (IEA) head Fatih Birol  in July that he was considering cancelling America’s membership in and funding of its activities due to its increasingly political nature.

Specifically, Wright pointed to the agency’s modeling methods used to compile its various reports and projections, which the Secretary and many others believe have trended more into the realm of advocacy than fact-based analysis in recent years.

That trend has long been clear and is a direct result of an intentional shift in the IEA’s mission that evolved in the months during and following the COVID pandemic. In 2022, the agency’s board of governors reinforced this changed mission away from the analysis of real energy-related data and policies to one of producing reports to support and “guide countries as they build net-zero emission energy systems to comply with internationally agreed climate goals” consistent with the Paris Climate Agreement of 2016.

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One step Birol and his team took to incorporate its new role as cheerleader for an energy transition that isn’t actually happening was to eliminate the “current policies” modeling scenario which had long formed the base case for its periodic projections. That sterile analysis of the facts on the ground was  replaced it with a more aspirational set of assumptions based on the announced policy intentions of governments around the world. Using this new method based more on hope and dreams than facts on the ground unsurprisingly led the IEA to begin famously predicting a peak in global oil demand by 2029, something no one else sees coming.

Those projections have helped promote the belief among policymakers and investors that a high percentage of current oil company reserves would wind up becoming stranded assets, thus artificially – and many would contend falsely – deflating the value of their company stocks. This unfounded belief has also helped discourage banks from allocating capital to funding exploration for additional oil reserves that the world will almost certainly require in the decades to come.

Secretary Wright, in his role as leading energy policymaker for an administration more focused on dealing with the realities of America’s energy security needs than the fever dreams of the far-left climate alarm lobby, determined that investing millions of taxpayer dollars in IEA’s advocacy efforts each year was a poor use of his department’s budget. So, in an interview with Bloomberg in July, Wright said, “We will do one of two things: we will reform the way the IEA operates, or we will withdraw,” adding that his “strong preference is to reform it.”

Lo and behold, less than two months later, Javier Blas says in a September 10 Bloomberg op/ed headlined “The Myth of Peak Fossil Fuel Demand is Crumbling,” that the IEA will reincorporate its “current policies” scenario in its upcoming annual report. Blas notes that, “the annual report being prepared by the International Energy Agency… shows the alternative — decades more of robust fossil-fuel use, with oil and gas demand growing over the next 25 years — isn’t just possible but probable.”

On his X account, Blas posted a chart showing that, instead of projecting a “peak” of crude oil demand prior to 2030, IEA’s “current policies” scenario will be more in line with recent projections by both OPEC and ExxonMobil showing crude demand continuing to rise through the year 2050 and beyond.

Whether that is a concession to Secretary Wright’s concerns or to simple reality on the ground is not clear. Regardless, it is without question a clear about-face which hopefully signals a return by the IEA to its original mission to serve as a reliable analyst and producer of fact-based information about the global energy situation.

The global community has no shortage of well-funded advocates for the aspirational goals of the climate alarmist community. If this pending return to reality by the IEA in its upcoming annual report signals an end to its efforts to be included among that crowded field, that will be a win for everyone, regardless of the motivations behind it.

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Trump Admin Torpedoing Biden’s Oil And Gas Crackdown

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From the Daily Caller News Foundation

By Audrey Streb

The Trump administration is rolling back President Joe Biden’s restrictions on oil and gas, planning 21 lease sales in 2025 — a sharp contrast to Biden’s first year, which saw none.

The Department of the Interior (DOI) and the Bureau of Land Management (BLM) have already held 11 lease sales under Trump generating over $110 million for Americans, and plan to host 10 more in 2025, the agency told the Daily Caller News Foundation. While the Biden administration imposed a sweeping offshore drilling ban and greenlit a record-low offshore oil and gas leasing schedule, the Trump administration is working to reopen development on federal lands and waters.

“President Donald Trump has revived American energy. While the Biden administration left our energy resources to waste at the cost of taxpayers, Americans can feel relief knowing that they now have an administration laser focused on unleashing our domestic energy sources, lowering costs, and securing a more affordable and reliable energy future,” Interior Secretary Doug Burgum told the DCNF. “The number of new oil and gas lease sales simply speak for themselves.”

Bureau of Land Management (BLM) has reported 3,608 new oil and gas permits in Trump’s second term thus far, compared to 2,528 permits during the Biden administration, according to the DOI. Trump and the DOI have approved 43% more federal drilling permits than his predecessors had at the same point in their presidencies, according to the agency.

The DOI has also opened more than 450,000 acres of federal land for potential energy development, and the DOI and BLM are set to approve more drilling permits than any other fiscal year in the past 15 years, the agency said.

On his first day back in the Oval Office, Trump signed an executive order to “unleash American energy” and declared a national energy emergency. The One Big Beautiful Bill Act (OBBBA) further directed the DOI to open more domestic energy exploration opportunities, ordering the agency to “immediately resume onshore quarterly lease sales in specified states.”

Trump has emphasized bolstering conventional resources, which stands in contrast to Biden’s stifling of the oil and gas industry, as he froze liquified natural gas (LNG) exports, blocked the major Keystone XL pipeline and halted BLM lease approvals on his first day as president. Biden instead championed a green energy agenda, pushing for major wind and solar projects through billions in subsidiesloans and grants.

Notably, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) previously confirmed to the DCNF that the Biden administration failed to adequately review the environmental impacts of certain offshore wind projects before approving them. The Trump administration has cracked down on offshore wind, halting many major projects and reviewing several more, with Burgum arguing that the energy resource the Biden administration favored is “not reliable enough” at an event on Sept. 10.

Additionally, gasoline prices have been dropping nationally in recent months, with costs hitting four-year lows headed into summer and Labor Day weekend, according to GasBuddy and the American Automobile Association. The average retail price for gasoline is projected to keep dropping due to falling oil prices, according to data from the Energy Information Administration.

“[Oil] prices are not set by current supplies. They’re set by future expectations,” Diana Furchtgott-Roth, director of the Heritage Foundation’s Center for Energy, Climate, and Environment, told the DCNF previously. “President Donald Trump is sending signals that the oil industry here is going to be very vibrant. He’s shrinking permitting time for fossil fuel projects, so expectations for fossil fuel supply in the United States are great.”

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