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Pentagon Salivates Over ‘Expensive’ Weapons While China Races Into Future With Iron Grip Over Cheap Drone Tech

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From the Daily Caller News Foundation

By Wallace White

China is running away with critical drone technology while the U.S. struggles to even get into the race, with experts warning that the technological gap spells a “nightmare” scenario for America’s military on the battlefield.

Chinese company Da Jiang Industries (DJI) currently controls 70% of the worldwide commercial drone market alone, and American drone companies specializing in defense applications still rely heavily on Chinese parts to make their products, according to Forbes. The U.S.’ inability to match China’s drone production poses a major threat to national security, according to defense experts, with one source of the problem being the military’s insistence on developing “exquisite” weapons systems that have big price tags.

“China has captured 90% of the global market for small civilian drones by directly subsidizing drone manufacturers,” Bret Boyd, CEO of defense-oriented logistics firm Sustainment, told the Daily Caller News Foundation. “This has allowed them to be extremely competitive on price, undercutting most of their competitors and receiving huge benefits from economies of scale. This has been happening for decades.”

The 2025 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) included a review of the effect of using Chinese-made parts for domestic drone manufacturing, with DJI saying in a press release that the law was based on “xenophobic fear.” New York Republican Rep. Elise Stefanik attempted to add formal restrictions on Chinese parts into the NDAA, but the law only passed the house before stalling in the Committee on Commerce, Science and Transportation.

DJI sued the Pentagon in October over its inclusion on the department’s Chinese military company list. The case is ongoing.

The U.S. currently utilizes mostly high-cost, plane-like drones such as the MQ-9 Reaper, which specializes in air-to-ground attacks with missiles. An MQ-9 costs around $56.5 million to build per unit, according to the Air Force.

Since October 2023, Houthi rebels in Yemen have brought down at least six Reaper drones, according to ABC News in April. Meanwhile, Houthis have found great success with small, cheaply-made drones, with some having the range to fly nearly 16 hours to targets in Israel, according to Armed Conflict Location and Event Data (ALCED).

Moreover, the Houthis have killed an estimated 470 people with suicide drones since 2016, according to ALCED. By contrast, the drones can cost as little as $2,000, experts told Politico in 2023.

The enormous gap in the cost to wage war presents a unique national security risk that the Pentagon must urgently tackle, Boyd told the DCNF.

“Our military has become far too reliant on exquisite, expensive weapon systems that can only be built by a very small percentage of the American industrial base,” Boyd told the DCNF. “While this was appropriate for the Cold War, we need to adapt to the realities of combat in 2025. Ukraine is showing us that the modern battlefield is going to be dominated by ‘good enough’ technology deployed at scale.”

Cheap drones have fundamentally changed the battlefield, most exemplified by their extensive use in the Russia-Ukraine war beginning in 2022. The drones allowed Ukrainian and Russian soldiers alike to deal with tanks and other armored vehicles without exposing themselves with traditional anti-tank weapons systems like rocket launchers, according to The New York Times.

“These drones allow these service members to destroy a tank from 20 kilometers away,” William Thibeau, director of the American Military Project at the Claremont Institute and Army Ranger veteran, told the DCNF. “When you’re used to being threatened at only two and a half kilometers away, it changes the whole dynamic of how you move around and how you find cover and concealment.”

In the Bakhmut region alone in Ukraine, drones killed nearly 210 Russian Wagner Group mercenaries and wounded 360 more over the course of months in mid-2023, the NYT reported.

“The question is, are we ready for drone on drone warfare, or are we still putting humans in the loop?,” a former defense engineer granted anonymity to freely discuss U.S. military policy, told the DCNF. “Because as far as I know, we’re still putting humans out there, and human against drone is a nightmare.”

The U.S. armed forces have already made some headway into adopting small drones for combat, with the Army creating “hunter-killer” platoons equipped with drones used for mainly reconnaissance. Most recently, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth directed the Army to investigate the use of “low-cost” drones in strike applications as part of a $36 billion overhaul of the service branch.

“Ukraine set up this infrastructure from basically nothing, and it happened in garages, and they set it up in less than two years,” Thibeau told the DCNF. “We don’t want to figure this out after the shooting starts.”

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‘Not Held Hostage Anymore’: Economist Explains How America Benefits If Trump Gets Oil And Gas Expansion

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From the Daily Caller News Foundation

By Mariane Angela

Economist Steve Moore appeared on Fox Business Tuesday to discuss what he called the significance of expanding domestic oil and gas production in the United States.

President Donald Trump’s Executive Order 14154 aims to secure U.S. energy independence and global leadership by awarding 10-year oil and gas leases. During an appearance on “The Bottom Line,” Moore said that if Trump’s energy policies succeed then America will no longer have to rely on foreign oil.

“If Trump goes forward with what he wants to do, and our energy secretary is all in on this, produce as much oil and gas as we can here at home in Texas and North Dakota and Oklahoma and these other states. Then we’re not held hostage anymore to what’s happening in the Middle East,” Moore said. “That’s what’s so frustrating. We have more of this stuff than anybody does.”

WATCH: 

Moore then pointed to some of former President Joe Biden’s early decisions, particularly the cancellation of pipelines. Moore said these actions left the U.S. vulnerable to external energy crises.

“I don’t want to overemphasize the Strategic Petroleum Reserve. It’s good that we have this sort of safety knot in case you have some kind of blow up in the Middle East, like we have now. But, ultimately, what Joe Biden did was the most sinister of all,” Moore said. “You guys remember what was the first thing when he became president? He canceled pipelines. He destroyed our energy infrastructure.”

During his first term, Trump signed executive orders to advance major pipelines, including instructing TransCanada to resubmit its application for a cross-border permit for the Keystone XL Pipeline, which is designed to transport oil from the tar sands of Alberta, Canada to refineries on the Gulf Coast. On his first day in office, Biden revoked the permit for the Keystone XL Pipeline, effectively halting its development.

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Trump makes impact on G7 before he makes his exit

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Trump Rips Into Obama and Trudeau at G7 for a “Very Big Mistake” on Russia

At the G7 in Canada, President Trump didn’t just speak—he delivered a headline-making indictment.

Standing alongside Canada’s Prime Minister, he directly blasted Barack Obama and Justin Trudeau, accusing them of committing a “very big mistake” by booting Russia out of the G8. He warned that this move didn’t deter conflict—it unleashed it, and he insists it paved the way for the war in Ukraine.

Before the working sessions began, the two leaders fielded questions. The first topic: the ongoing trade negotiations between the U.S. and Canada. Trump didn’t hesitate to point out that the issue wasn’t personal—it was philosophical.

“It’s not so much holding up. I think we have different concepts,” Trump said. “I have a tariff concept, Mark [Carney] has a different concept, which is something that some people like.”

He made it clear that he prefers a more straightforward approach. “I’ve always been a tariff person. It’s simple, it’s easy, it’s precise and it just goes very quickly.”

Carney, he added, favors a more intricate framework—“also very good,” Trump said. The goal now, according to Trump, is to examine both strategies and find a path forward. “We’re going to look at both and we’re going to come out with something hopefully.”

When asked whether a deal could be finalized in a matter of days or weeks, Trump didn’t overpromise, but he left the door open. “It’s achievable but both parties have to agree.”

Then the conversation took an unexpected turn.

Trump went off script and straight to one of the most explosive foreign policy critiques of the day. Without any prompting, he shifted from trade to Russia’s removal from the G8, calling it one of the most consequential mistakes in recent memory.

Standing next to Canada’s Prime Minister, whose predecessor helped lead that push, Trump argued that isolating Moscow may have backfired. “The G7 used to be the G8,” he said, pointing to the moment Russia was kicked out.

He didn’t hold back. “Barack Obama and a person named Trudeau didn’t want to have Russia in, and I would say that was a mistake because I think you wouldn’t have a war right now if you had Russia in.”

This wasn’t just a jab at past leaders. Trump was drawing a direct line from that decision to the war in Ukraine. According to him, expelling Russia took away any real chance at diplomacy before things spiraled.

“They threw Russia out, which I claimed was a very big mistake even though I wasn’t in politics then, I was loud about it.” For Trump, diplomacy doesn’t mean agreement—it means keeping adversaries close enough to negotiate.

“It was a mistake in that you spent so much time talking about Russia, but he’s no longer at the table. It makes life more complicated. You wouldn’t have had the war.”

Then he made it personal. Trump compared two timelines—one with him in office, and one without. “You wouldn’t have a war right now if Trump were president four years ago,” he said. “But it didn’t work out that way.”

Before reporters could even process Trump’s comments on Russia, he shifted gears again—this time turning to Iran.

Asked whether there had been any signs that Tehran wanted to step back from confrontation, Trump didn’t hesitate. “Yeah,” he said. “They’d like to talk.”

The admission was short but revealing. For the first time publicly, Trump confirmed that Iran had signaled interest in easing tensions. But he made it clear they may have waited too long.

“They should have done that before,” he said, referencing a missed 60-day negotiation window. “On the 61st day I said we don’t have a deal.”

Even so, he acknowledged that both sides remain under pressure. “They have to make a deal and it’s painful for both parties but I would say Iran is not winning this war.”

Then came the warning, delivered with unmistakable urgency. “They should talk and they should talk IMMEDIATELY before it’s too late.”

Eventually, the conversation turned back to domestic issues: specifically, immigration and crime.

He confirmed he’s directing ICE to focus its efforts on sanctuary cities, which he accused of protecting violent criminals for political purposes.

He pointed directly at major Democrat-led cities, saying the worst problems are concentrated in deep blue urban centers. “I look at New York, I look at Chicago. I mean you got a really bad governor in Chicago and a bad mayor, but the governor is probably the worst in the country, Pritzker.”

And he didn’t stop there. “I look at how that city has been overrun by criminals and New York and L.A., look at L.A. Those people weren’t from L.A. They weren’t from California most of those people. Many of those people.”

According to Trump, the crime surge isn’t just a local failure—it’s a direct consequence of what he called a border catastrophe under President Biden. “Biden allowed 21 million people to come into our country. Of that, vast numbers of those people were murderers, killers, people from gangs, people from jails. They emptied their jails into the U.S. Most of those people are in the cities.”

“All blue cities. All Democrat-run cities.”

He closed with a vow—one aimed squarely at the ballot box. Trump said he’ll do everything in his power to stop Democrats from using illegal immigration to influence elections.

“They think they’re going to use them to vote. It’s not going to happen.”

Just as the press corps seemed ready for more, Prime Minister Carney stepped in.

The momentum had clearly shifted toward Trump, and Carney recognized it. With a calm smile and hands slightly raised, he moved to wrap things up.

“If you don’t mind, I’m going to exercise my role, if you will, as the G7 Chair,” he said. “Since we have a few more minutes with the president and his team. And then we actually have to start the meeting to address these big issues, so…”

Trump didn’t object. He didn’t have to.

By then, the damage (or the impact) had already been done. He had steered the conversation, dropped one headline after another, and reshaped the narrative before the summit even began.

By the time Carney tried to regain control, it was already too late.

Wherever Trump goes, he doesn’t just attend the event—he becomes the event.

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