Fraser Institute
One doctor’s battle to put patients ahead of politics

From the Fraser Institute
For decades, Canadians have been told that our health-care system is the envy of the world, a symbol of national pride. But the reality, as exposed in the new book My Fight for Canadian Healthcare by Dr. Brian Day, is far less flattering—and far more troubling. Dr. Day’s account of his 30-year battle to put patients first reveals a system bogged down by ideology, political inertia and an aversion to necessary reform. His message is clear: it’s time for Canadians to take off the rose-coloured glasses and demand a system that actually works for patients.
The book is not an argument for dismantling universal health care—it’s a plea for modernization and responsiveness. Dr. Day, an orthopedic surgeon and founder of the Cambie Surgery Centre in Vancouver, offers a front-line perspective on how rationing, administrative inefficiency and outdated policies systematically deny timely care to patients. Through detailed stories and compelling data, he documents the tragic human cost of excessive waiting lists—patients suffering needless pain, enduring irreversible deterioration, and in some cases, dying of preventable deaths.
One of the most disturbing revelations in the book is the deliberate limitation of health-care capacity by provincial governments. Faced with budget constraints, administrators limit operating room time and restrict physician access, effectively forcing patients to suffer on long waiting lists. This isn’t the result of unavoidable resource shortages; it’s a consequence of deliberate policy choices aimed at controlling spending, even if that means denying patients the care they need when they need it.
What makes this all the more unacceptable is that many of the very politicians and bureaucrats who defend this system seek care in private clinics (including Dr. Day’s Cambie Surgery Centre) when their own health is on the line. This double standard—one system for the public, another for the elite—undermines the entire moral justification of Canada’s approach to health care. If the system were truly world-class, those in power would not seek alternatives.
Dr. Day’s legal battle began in 2009 when his clinic became the target of a government lawsuit for allegedly violating an existing prohibition on patients paying with their own money for medically necessary care. This same prohibition had already been found unconstitutional in Quebec by the Supreme Court’s Chaoulli ruling in 2005, on the grounds that it violated fundamental rights to life and security.
The case dragged on for more than a decade, exposing the dysfunction of both the health-care system and the legal process meant to evaluate its constitutionality. Evidence presented in court—including government data showing thousands of patients dying while waiting for care—was damning. Unfortunately for Canadians, the British Columbia Supreme Court ultimately upheld the government’s authority to ration care and forbid patients from seeking private alternatives.
This legal defeat underscores a core truth that Dr. Day has long emphasized—Canadian health care is driven more by ideology than by evidence. The obsession with preserving a government monopoly has become an end in itself, eclipsing the system’s primary purpose: ensuring timely quality care for all. In no other sphere of life would we tolerate this. Imagine being told you couldn’t pay for private tutoring if your child’s public school was failing him. Yet this is precisely what Canadian health-care policy imposes.
Crucially, Dr. Day’s critique is rooted not in theory but in practise. He has seen firsthand the harm caused by delays, the deterioration of patients left waiting months or years for treatment, and the exodus of talented young doctors who leave Canada because the system restricts their ability of practise to their full potential. He has also seen the benefits of mixed public-private models in countries such as Australia, Sweden and Germany—countries with universal care that still allow room for private-sector innovation and competition.
Predictably, critics paint Dr. Day as a champion of privatization at any cost, but this is a gross mischaracterization. His vision is not American-style health care but rather a modernized patient-centred system that retains universal coverage while embracing flexibility, innovation and patient choice. In short, he wants Canada to catch up with the rest of the developed world, where public and private systems work together to ensure patients receive timely care regardless of their financial means.
Perhaps the most sobering aspect of My Fight for Canadian Healthcare is the reminder that reform is not only necessary, but inevitable. Canada’s population is aging, demand for care is rising, and the costs of maintaining the current system are unsustainable. Clinging to outdated structures will only deepen the crisis. The choice is not between public and private care—it’s between a system that works and one that fails.
As Dr. Day argues, the ultimate victims of our broken system are the patients themselves—ordinary Canadians left to suffer while politicians cling to outdated dogma. His fight has been long and costly, but it offers a valuable lesson: health-care reform is not about ideology. It’s about compassion, common sense and the courage to admit when something isn’t working. The time for that honesty is now.
Business
Canada Post is failing Canadians—time to privatize it

From the Fraser Institute
By Jake Fuss and Alex Whalen
In the latest chapter of a seemingly never-ending saga, Canada Post workers are on strike again for the second time in less than a year, after the federal government allowed the Crown corporation to close some rural offices and end door-to-door deliveries. These postal strikes are highly disruptive given Canada Post’s near monopoly on letter mail across the country. It’s well past time to privatize the organization.
From 2018 to the mid-point of 2025, Canada Post has lost more than $5.0 billion, and it ran a shortfall of $407 million in the latest quarter alone. Earlier this year, the federal government loaned Canada Post $1.034 billion—a substantial sum of taxpayer money—to help keep the organization afloat.
As a Crown corporation, Canada Post operates at the behest of the federal government and faces little competition in the postal market. Canadians have nowhere to turn if they’re unhappy with service quality, prices or delivery times, particularly when it comes to “snail mail.”
Consequently, given its near-monopoly over the postal market, Canada Post has few incentives to keep costs down or become profitable because the government (i.e. taxpayers) is there to bail it out. The lack of competition also means Canada Post lacks incentives to innovate and improve service quality for customers, and the near-monopoly prohibits other potential service providers from entering the letter-delivery market including in remote areas. It’s clearly a failing business that’s unresponsive to customer needs, lacks creativity and continuously fails to generate profit.
But there’s good news. Companies such as Amazon, UPS, FedEx and others deliver more than two-thirds of parcels in the country. They compete for individuals and businesses on price, service quality and delivery time. There’s simply no justification for allowing Canada Post to monopolize any segment of the market. The government should privatize Canada Post and end its near-monopoly status on letter mail.
What would happen if Ottawa privatized Canada Post?
Well, peer countries including the Netherlands, Austria and Germany privatized their postal services two decades ago. Prices for consumers (adjusted for inflation) fell by 11 per cent in Austria, 15 per cent in the Netherlands and 17 per cent in Germany.
Denmark has taken it a step further and plans to end letter deliveries altogether. The country has seen a steep 90 per cent drop in letter volumes since 2000 due to the rise of global e-commerce and online shopping. In other words, the Danes are adapting to the times rather than continuing to operate an archaic business model.
In light of the latest attempt by the Canadian Union of Postal Workers to shakedown Canadian taxpayers, it’s become crystal clear that Canada Post should leave the stone age and step into the twenty-first century. A privately owned and operated Canada Post could follow in the footsteps of its European counterparts. But the status quo will only lead to further financial ruin, and Canadians will be stuck with the bill.
Energy
Ottawa must eliminate harmful regulations to spur private investment in pipelines

From the Fraser Institute
By Julio Mejía and Elmira Aliakbari
The Carney government recently revealed the first five major development projects it deems to be in the “national interest” for fast-tracked assessment and approval. The list includes a liquified natural gas plant expansion in Kitimat, British Columbia, a small modular reactor in Ontario, upgrades to the Port of Montreal, a copper mine in Saskatchewan, and the Red Chris Mine in B.C. But notably, no new oil pipelines made the list. While the government attributes this absence to a lack of private-sector proponents, this reasoning is disingenuous and overlooks how Canada’s regulatory regime creates uncertainty and deters investment in the energy sector.
For context, most of Canada’s energy is produced in the Prairies. Building pipelines to coastal terminals is key to increase access to global markets for oil and natural gas, which are our top exports. In 2024, nearly 96 per cent of oil exports and almost all natural gas exports were headed to a single trading partner, the United States.
In the wake of Trump’s tariffs against Canadian exports, Carney pledged to cut red tape and accelerate major project approvals to diversify our trade. But his government has repealed none of the regulations that create uncertainty, raise compliance costs and deter investment in the energy sector.
Instead, the government introduced Bill C-5, granting cabinet discretionary power to decide which projects undergo full regulatory assessments and which get fast-tracked, based on their perceived contribution to the “national interest.” So rather than providing predictable rules for all entrepreneurs and businesses, Ottawa created an opaque process where companies must lobby cabinet to prove their projects meet subjective criteria to circumvent the laws and regulations that apply to everyone else. This creates more uncertainty, not less.
Meanwhile, the regulatory barriers that discourage private-sector investment in the energy sector remain firmly in place. Take Bill C-69, which introduced vague criteria into the evaluation of major energy projects including the impact on the “intersection of sex and gender with other identity factors,” leading the legislation to be commonly known as the “no-more pipelines bill.”
Other regulations are similarly designed to reduce the demand for new pipelines either by restricting the use of coastal ports or forcing a curtailment of oil and gas production. Bill C-48, for instance, limits Canadian exports to Asia by banning large oil tankers from B.C.’s northern coast. And the 2023 methane emissions regulations targeting the oil and gas sector impose costs of more than $100 million to the industry, likely leading to reduced production.
Moreover, last year, Ottawa proposed to cap greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions exclusively for the oil and gas sector. Multiple studies from independent organizations indicate this emissions cap will effectively force a reduction in oil and gas production, consequently undermining the case for private investment in more pipelines. If our energy sector is forced to produce less, it’s not clear why more pipelines would be required.
Not surprisingly, Canada has gained a negative reputation for its regulatory barriers. According to a 2023 survey of oil and gas investors, 68 per cent of respondents said uncertainty over environmental regulations deterred investment in Canada. And 59 per cent said the cost of regulatory compliance deterred investment.
These investor concerns reflect a sharp decline in actual investment. Between 2014 and 2023, investment in the energy sector fell from $84.0 billion to $37.2 billion (inflation-adjusted), a drop of 56 per cent.
Rather than relying on a closed-door process where government picks winners and losers, the federal government should establish a transparent and competitive regulatory framework to attract investment. If the Carney government is serious about encouraging private proponents to build pipelines, diversifying exports and unlocking Canada’s potential as a global energy leader, it must eliminate the regulatory hurdles plaguing the energy sector.
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