MxM News

Celebrations broke out across South Florida Saturday as news spread that Venezuela’s longtime socialist strongman Nicolás Maduro had been captured and removed from power, a moment many Venezuelan exiles said they had waited their entire lives to see. In Doral, hundreds gathered outside the El Arepazo restaurant before sunrise, waving flags, embracing strangers, and reacting emotionally to what they described as a turning point for their homeland. Local television footage captured chants, tears, and spontaneous celebrations as word filtered through the community that Maduro and his wife had been “captured and flown out of the country” following U.S. military action announced by Donald Trump earlier that morning.

Venezuelans gathered early this morning in Doral to celebrate after news broke that the U.S. had captured Nicolás Maduro🇻🇪| #ONLYinDADE pic.twitter.com/mSNaF3IhR3

— ONLY in DADE (@ONLYinDADE) January 3, 2026

One young man, Edgar, spoke directly to reporters as the crowd surged behind him, calling the moment “history in the making.” He said his family had spent decades telling him stories about a Venezuela that once had real elections and basic freedoms. “My chest feels like it’s going to explode with joy,” he said, explaining that the struggle against the regime began long before he was born. Edgar thanked President Trump for allowing Venezuelans to work and rebuild their lives in the United States, adding that now, for the first time, he believed they could take those skills back home.

Similar scenes played out beyond Florida. Video circulating online showed Venezuelans celebrating in Chile and other parts of Latin America, reflecting the regional impact of Maduro’s fall. The dictator had clung to power through what U.S. officials and international observers have long described as sham elections, while presiding over economic collapse, mass emigration, and deepening ties to transnational criminal networks. U.S. authorities have pursued him for years, placing a $50 million bounty on information leading to his arrest or conviction. Federal prosecutors accused Maduro in 2020 of being a central figure in the so-called Cartel of the Suns, an international cocaine trafficking operation allegedly run by senior members of the Venezuelan regime and aimed, in prosecutors’ words, at flooding the United States with drugs.

After the overnight strikes, Venezuela’s remaining regime figures declared a state of emergency, even as images of celebration dominated social media abroad. In Washington, reaction from Florida lawmakers was swift. Rep. Carlos Gimenez, who represents a district with large Venezuelan, Cuban, and Nicaraguan exile communities, compared Maduro’s capture to one of the defining moments of the 20th century. “President Trump has changed the course of history in our hemisphere,” Gimenez wrote, calling the operation “this hemisphere’s equivalent to the Fall of the Berlin Wall.” He added that South Florida’s exile communities were “overwhelmed with emotion and hope,” and thanked U.S. service members for what he described as a decisive and successful mission.

For many gathered in Doral, the reaction was deeply personal. A CBS Miami reporter relayed comments from attendees who said they now felt safer about the possibility of returning to Venezuela to see family members they had not hugged in years. One man described it as the end of “26 years of waiting” for a free country, saying the moment felt less like politics and more like the closing of a long, painful chapter.

U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi confirmed Saturday that Maduro and his wife have been formally indicted in the Southern District of New York. Bondi said the charges include narco-terrorism conspiracy, cocaine importation conspiracy, and weapons offenses involving machine guns and destructive devices. For Venezuelan Americans packed into South Florida streets, those legal details mattered less than the symbolism. After years of watching their country unravel from afar, many said they finally felt something unfamiliar when they looked south — relief, and the cautious hope that Venezuela’s future might no longer be written by a dictator.

From the Fraser Institute

By Bruce Pardy

In September, the British Columbia Supreme Court threw private property into turmoil. Aboriginal title in Richmond, a suburb of Vancouver, is “prior and senior” to fee simple interests, the court said. That means it trumps the property you have in your house, farm or factory. If the decision holds up on appeal, it would mean private property is not secure anywhere a claim for Aboriginal title is made out.

If you thought things couldn’t get worse, you thought wrong. On Dec. 5, the B.C. Court of Appeal delivered a different kind of upheaval. Gitxaala and Ehattesaht First Nations claimed that B.C.’s mining regime was unlawful because it allowed miners to register claims on Crown land without consulting with them. In a 2-to-1 split decision, the court agreed. The mining permitting regime is inconsistent with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People (UNDRIP). And B.C. legislation, the court said, has made UNDRIP the law of B.C.

UNDRIP is a declaration of the United Nations General Assembly. It consists of pages and pages of Indigenous rights and entitlements. If UNDRIP is the law in B.C., then Indigenous peoples are entitled to everything—and to have other people pay for it. If you suspect that is an exaggeration, take a spin through UNDRIP for yourself.

Indigenous peoples, it says, “have the right to the lands, territories and resources which they have traditionally owned, occupied or otherwise used or acquired… to own, use, develop and control, as well as the right to “redress” for these lands, through either “restitution” or “just, fair and equitable compensation.” It says that states “shall consult and cooperate in good faith” in order to “obtain free and informed consent prior to the approval of any project affecting their lands or territories and other resources,” and that they have the right to “autonomy or self-government in matters relating to their internal and local affairs, as well as ways and means for financing their autonomous functions.”

The General Assembly adopted UNDRIP in 2007. At the time, Canada sensibly voted “no,” along with New Zealand, the United States and Australia. Eleven countries abstained. But in 2016, the newly elected Trudeau government reversed Canada’s objection.

UN General Assembly resolutions are not binding in international law. Nor are they enforceable in Canadian courts. But in 2019, NDP Premier John Horgan and his Attorney General David Eby, now the Premier, introduced Bill 41, the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act (DRIPA). DRIPA proposed to require the B.C. government to “take all measures necessary to ensure the laws of British Columbia are consistent with the Declaration.” The B.C. Legislature unanimously passed the bill. (The Canadian Parliament passed a similar bill in 2021.)

Two years later, the legislature passed an amendment to the B.C. Interpretation Act. Eby, still B.C.’s Attorney General, sponsored the bill. The amendment read, “Every Act and regulation must be construed as being consistent with the Declaration.”

Eby has expressed dismay about the Court of Appeal decision. It “invites further and endless litigation,” he said. “It looked at the clear statements of intent in the legislature and the law, and yet reached dramatically different conclusions about what legislators did when we voted unanimously across party lines” to pass DRIPA. He has promised to amend the legislation.

These are crocodile tears. The majority judgment from the Court of Appeal is not a rogue decision from activist judges making things up and ignoring the law. Not this time, anyway. The court said that B.C. law must be construed as being consistent with UNDRIP—which is what Eby’s 2021 amendment to the Interpretation Act says.

In fact, Eby’s government has been doing everything in its power to champion Aboriginal interests. DRIPA is its mandate. It’s been making covert agreements with specific Aboriginal groups over specific territories. These agreements promise Aboriginal title and/or grant Aboriginal management rights over land use. In April 2024, an agreement with the Haida Council recognized Haida title and jurisdiction over Haida Gwaii, an archipelago off the B.C. coast formerly known as the Queen Charlotte Islands. Eby has said that the agreement is a template for what’s possible “in other places in British Columbia, and also in Canada.” He is putting title and control of B.C. into Aboriginal hands.

But it’s not just David Eby. The Richmond decision from the B.C. Supreme Court had nothing to do with B.C. legislation. It was a predictable result of years of Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) jurisprudence under Section 35 of the Constitution. That section guarantees “existing” Aboriginal and treaty rights as of 1982. But the SCC has since championed, evolved and enlarged those rights. Legislatures can fix their own statutes, but they cannot amend Section 35 or override judicial interpretation, even using the “notwithstanding clause.”

Meanwhile, on yet another track, Aboriginal rights are expanding under the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. On the same day as the B.C. Court of Appeal decision on UNDRIP, the Federal Court released two judgments. The federal government has an actionable duty to Aboriginal groups to provide housing and drinking water, the court declared. Taxpayer funded, of course.

One week later, at the other end of the country, the New Brunswick Court of Appeal weighed in. In a claim made by Wolastoqey First Nation for the western half of the province, the court said that Aboriginal title should not displace fee simple title of private owners. Yet it confirmed that a successful claim would require compensation in lieu of land. Private property owners or taxpayers, take your pick.

Like the proverb says, make yourself into a doormat and someone will walk all over you. Obsequious devotion to reconciliation has become a pathology of Canadian character. It won’t end well.