Economy
Gas prices plummet in BC thanks to TMX pipeline expansion

From Resource Works
By more than doubling capacity and cutting down the costs, the benefits of the TMX expansion are keeping more money in consumer pockets.
Just months after the Trans Mountain Expansion (TMX) project was completed last year, Canadians, especially British Columbians, are experiencing the benefits promised by this once-maligned but invaluable piece of infrastructure. As prices fall when people gas up their cars, the effects are evident for all to see.
This drop in gasoline prices is a welcome new reality for consumers across B.C. and a long-overdue relief given the painful inflation of the past few years.
TMX has helped broaden Canadian oil’s access to world markets like never before, improve supply chains, and boost regional fuel supplies—all of which are helping keep money in the pockets of the middle class.
When TMX was approaching the finish line after the new year, it was praised for promising to ease long-standing capacity issues and help eliminate less efficient, pricier methods of shipping oil. By mid-May, TMX was completed and in full swing, with early data suggesting that gas prices in Vancouver were slackening compared to other cities in Canada.
Kent Fellows, an assistant professor of Economics and the Director of Graduate Programs for the School of Public Policy at the University of Calgary, noted that wholesale prices in Vancouver fell by roughly 28 cents per litre compared to the typically lower prices in Edmonton, thanks to the expanded capacity of TMX. Consequently, the actual price at the gas pump in the Lower Mainland fell too, providing relief to a part of Canada that traditionally suffers from high fuel costs.
In large part due to limited pipeline capacity, Vancouver’s gas prices have been higher than the rest of the country. From at least 2008 to this year, TMX’s capacity was unable to accommodate demand, leading to the generational issue of “apportionment,” which meant rationing pipeline space to manage excess demand.
Under the apportionment regime, customers received less fuel than they requested, which increased costs. With the expansion of TMX now complete, the pipeline’s capacity has more than doubled from 350,000 barrels per day to 890,000, effectively neutralizing the apportionment problem for now.
Since May, TMX has operated at 80 percent capacity, with no apportionment affecting customers or consumers.
Before the TMX expansion was completed, a litre of gas in Vancouver cost 45 cents more than a litre in Edmonton. By August, it was just 17 cents—a remarkable drop that underscores why it’s crucial to expand B.C.’s capacity to move energy sources like oil without the need for costly alternatives, allowing consumers to enjoy savings at the pump.
More than doubling TMX’s capacity has rapidly reshaped B.C.’s energy landscape. Despite tensions in the Middle East, per-litre gas prices in Vancouver have fallen from about $2.30 per litre to $1.54 this month. Even when there was a slight disruption in October, the price only rose to about $1.80, far below its earlier peaks.
As Kent Fellows noted, the only real change during this entire timeline has been the completion of the TMX expansion, and the benefits extend far beyond the province’s shores.
With TMX moving over 500,000 barrels more per day than it did previously, Canadian oil is now far more plentiful on the international market. Tankers routinely depart Burrard Inlet loaded with oil bound for destinations in South Korea and Japan.
In this uncertain world, where oil markets remain volatile, TMX serves as a stabilizing force for both Canada and the world. People in B.C. can rest easier with TMX acting as a barrier against sharp shifts in supply and demand.
For critics who argue that the $31 billion invested in the project is short-sighted, the benefits for everyday people are becoming increasingly evident in a province where families have endured high gas prices for years.
Canadian Energy Centre
Emissions cap will end Canada’s energy superpower dream

From the Canadian Energy Centre
By Will Gibson
Study finds legislation’s massive cost outweighs any environmental benefit
The negative economic impact of Canada’s proposed oil and gas emissions cap will be much larger than previously projected, warns a study by the Center for North American Prosperity and Security (CNAPS).
The report concluded that the cost of the emissions cap far exceeds any benefit from emissions reduction within Canada, and it could push global emissions higher instead of lower.
Based on findings this March by the Office of the Parliamentary Budget Officer (PBO), CNAPS pegs the cost of the cap to be up to $289,000 per tonne of reduced emissions.
That’s more than 3,600 times the cost of the $80-per-tonne federal carbon tax eliminated this spring.
The proposed cap has already chilled investment as Canada’s policymakers look to “nation-building” projects to strengthen the economy, said lead author Heather Exner-Pirot.
“Why would any proponent invest in Canada with this hanging over it? That’s why no other country is talking about an emissions cap on its energy sector,” said Exner-Pirot, director of energy, natural resources and environment at the Macdonald-Laurier Institute.
Federal policy has also stifled discussion of these issues, she said. Two of the CNAPS study’s co-authors withdrew their names based on legal advice related to the government’s controversial “anti-greenwashing” legislation.
“Legitimate debate should not be stifled in Canada on this or any government policy,” said Exner-Pirot.
“Canadians deserve open public dialogue, especially on policies of this economic magnitude.”
Carbon leakage
To better understand the impact of the cap, CNAPS researchers expanded the PBO’s estimates to reflect impacts beyond Canada’s borders.
“The problem is something called carbon leakage. We know that while some regions have reduced their emissions, other jurisdictions have increased their emissions,” said Exner-Pirot.
“Western Europe, for example, has de-industrialized but emissions in China are [going up like] a hockey stick, so all it’s done is move factories and plants from Europe to China along with the emissions.”
Similarly, the Canadian oil and gas production cut by the cap will be replaced in global markets by other producers, she said. There is no reason to assume capping oil and gas emissions in Canada will affect global demand.
The federal budget office assumed the legislation would reduce emissions by 7.1 million tonnes. CNAPS researchers applied that exclusively to Canada’s oil sands.
Here’s the catch: on average, oil sands crude is only about 1 to 3 percent more carbon-intensive than the average crude oil used globally (with some facilities emitting less than the global average).
So, instead of the cap reducing world emissions by 7.1 million tonnes, the real cut would be only 1 to 3 percent of that total, or about 71,000 to 213,000 tonnes worldwide.
In that case, using the PBO’s estimate of a $20.5 billion cost for the cap in 2032, the price of carbon is equivalent to $96,000 to $289,000 per tonne.
Economic pain with no environmental gain
Exner-Pirot said doing the same math with Canada’s “conventional” or non-oil sands production makes the situation “absurd.”
That’s because Canadian conventional oil and natural gas have lower emissions intensity than global averages. So reducing that production would actually increase global emissions, resulting in an infinite price per tonne of carbon.
“This proposal creates economic pain with no environmental gain,” said Samantha Dagres, spokesperson for the Montreal Economic Institute.
“By capping emissions here, you are signalling to investors that Canada isn’t interested in investment. Production will move to jurisdictions with poorer environmental standards as well as bad records on human rights.”
There’s growing awareness about the importance of the energy sector to Canada’s prosperity, she said.
“The public has shown a real appetite for Canada to become an energy superpower. That’s why a June poll found 73 per cent of Canadians, including 59 per cent in Quebec, support pipelines.”
Industries need Canadian energy
Dennis Darby, CEO of Canadian Manufacturers & Exporters (CME), warns the cap threatens Canada’s broader economic interests due to its outsized impact beyond the energy sector.
“Our industries run on Canadian energy. Canada should not unnecessarily hamstring itself relative to our competitors in the rest of the world,” said Darby.
CME represents firms responsible for over 80 per cent of Canada’s manufacturing output and 90 per cent of its exports.
Rather than the cap legislation, the Ottawa-based organization wants the federal government to offer incentives for sectors to reduce their emissions.
“We strongly believe in the carrot approach and see the market pushing our members to get cleaner,” said Darby.
Alberta
Is Alberta getting ripped off by Ottawa? The numbers say yes

This article supplied by Troy Media.
Alberta has the leverage and the responsibility to push for serious reform of Canada’s equalization system
Albertans are projected to send $252.5 billion more to Ottawa than they get back over the next 15 years —a staggering imbalance that underscores the
urgent need to overhaul federal-provincial fiscal arrangements.
That figure represents Alberta’s net fiscal contribution—the difference between what Alberta sends to Ottawa in taxes and what they get back in
return. Alberta, like all provincial governments, does not directly contribute to federal revenues.
These projections are based on fiscal estimates I’ve prepared using the same framework as Statistics Canada’s annual fiscal reports. Between 2025 and 2039, federal revenues raised in Alberta are expected to total nearly $1.42 trillion, while spending in the province will reach only $1.17 trillion. That leaves a gap of $252.5 billion.
This gap isn’t static. On an annual basis, Alberta’s contribution is projected to grow significantly over time. It’s forecast to rise from $12.7 billion in 2025, or $2,538 per person, to nearly $20.6 billion, or $3,459 per person, by 2039.
This isn’t new. Alberta has long been a major net contributor to Confederation. Between 2007 and 2023, Albertans paid $267.4 billion more to
Ottawa than they received in return, according to Statistics Canada. The only exception came in 2020 and 2021, years heavily impacted by COVID-19.
Albertans face the same federal tax rates as other Canadians but pay far more per person due to higher average incomes and a strong corporate tax base. This higher contribution translates into billions collected annually by Ottawa.
In 2025, the federal government is projected to collect $68.8 billion from Alberta, about $13,743 per person. By 2039, that will grow to $127.2 billion, or $21,380 per person. More than half will come from personal income taxes.
Meanwhile, federal spending in Alberta lags behind. In 2025, it’s expected to be $56.1 billion, or $11,205 per person—rising to $106.6 billion, or $17,831 per person, by 2039.
This includes transfers to individuals—about $17.5 billion in 2025, and $28.8 billion in 2039—and federal transfers to the provincial government, which are projected to grow from $12.9 billion to $20.9 billion. These include the Canada Health Transfer and the Canada Social Transfer, which help fund health care, education and social services.
Alberta does not receive equalization payments, which are meant to help less wealthy provinces provide comparable public services. Equalization is funded through general federal revenues, including taxes paid by Albertans. That imbalance is more than a budget line—it speaks to a deeper fairness issue at the heart of federal-provincial relations. Alberta pays more, gets less and continues to shoulder a disproportionate share of the federal burden.
That’s why Alberta must take the lead in pushing for reform. The Alberta Next Panel process—a provincial initiative to gather public input and expert advice on Alberta’s role in Confederation—gives the government an opportunity to consult with Albertans and bring forward proposals to fix the tangled mess of federal transfer programs.
These proposals should be advanced by Premier Danielle Smith’s government in discussions with Ottawa and other provinces. Alberta’s fiscal strength demands a stronger voice at the national table.
Some may argue for separation, but that’s not a viable path. The better solution is to demand fairness—starting with a more rigorous, transparent process for renewing major federal transfer programs.
Right now, Ottawa often renews key programs, like equalization, without proper consultation. That’s unacceptable. Provinces like Alberta deserve a seat at the table when billions of dollars are at stake.
If Alberta is expected to keep footing the bill, it must be treated as a full partner —not just a source of cash. Fixing the imbalance isn’t just about Alberta. A more open, co-operative approach to fiscal policy will strengthen national unity and ensure all provinces are treated fairly within Confederation.
Lennie Kaplan is a former senior manager in the Fiscal and Economic Policy Division of Alberta’s Ministry of Treasury Board and Finance. During his tenure, he focused, among other duties, on developing meaningful options to reform federal-provincial fiscal arrangements.
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