Economy
Fixing the Trudeau – Guilbeault Policy Mess May Take Longer Than We’d Like – Here’s Why
From EnergyNow.ca
By Jim Warren
By spring 2024 it was pretty clear the Liberal government was headed for palliative care. A Leger poll on May 25 and an Abacus poll June 10 showed the Conservatives with a 20 point lead over the Liberals.
As the likelihood of their imminent defeat increased, the Trudeau Liberals stepped up the implementation of legislation and regulations inimical to the gas and petroleum industries. Their efforts in 2024 included legislation limiting freedom of speech for companies and individuals who publicize environmental progress in the oil and gas sector (aka Bill C-59). The speech-muzzling measure became law on June 21.
Around the same time, Environment and Climate Change Minister, Steven Guilbeault was busy shepherding two particularly ominous regulatory packages through to finalization. One set of regulations supported Canada’s Clean Electricity Regulations—intended to eliminate the use of coal and natural gas in the production of electricity with staged decommissioning deadlines between 2035 and 2050. The second package finalized the rules for the natural gas and oil industries emissions cap intended to restrict production and growth in those industries, to take effect in 2026.
The regulations weren’t finalized until the month before the House shut down for the holidays, just weeks before Justin Trudeau’s political career was put on life support.
The green policy stampede extended to the international stage. Never mind deficits and debt, the Liberals found plenty of cash to enhance their status as world class environmental luminaries.
At November’s COP29* conference at Baku, Azerbaijan, Guilbeault and Canada’s Ambassador for Climate Change (who knew we had one?), Catherine Stewart signed us on to 15 pledges to take action on fighting climate change. Around half of the promises were merely motherhood and apple pie statements, concessions to the environmentally woke who attend these sorts of international conferences.
But several of the commitments made on our behalf came with price tags. I’m still unclear on exactly which line item in a federal budget, legislative authority or policy statement authorized the spending.
Canada’s COP29 delegation launched the $2 billion GAIA project. Apparently we are cost sharing the project with Mitsubishi. The official government report on the conference doesn’t indicate how much of the $2 billion Canada is kicking in.
Canada also showcased its green bona fides by contributing to the effort to finance the green transition and climate change adaptation in poor countries—a task expected to require developed countries to collectively spend $110 billion to $300 billion per year by 2035. Our delegation announced Canada would lead by example, making a $1billion donation to the effort.
Guilbeault and Stewart gave $10 million to Conservation International’s “Limpopo Transfrontier Conservation Area” project. They “invested” another $2.5 million in the World Wildlife Fund’s “Building Resilient Communities through Marine Conservation in Madagascar” project.
Guilbeault may indeed be angling for that UN job I mentioned in my last EnergyNow column. Read it Here Canada made a $1.25 million payment directly to the office of UN Secretary General, António Guterres. The donation is supposed to assist Guterres in his efforts to encourage countries to get their “Nationally Determined Contributions” handed in on time.
In a podcast conversation with Jordan Peterson several months ago, Danielle Smith noted the accelerated pace of the Liberal government’s announcement and implementation of new environmental policies detrimental to Alberta’s oil and gas sectors and the economies of both Alberta and Canada.
Smith said one of the effects of enacting so many new environmental measures would be to make it extremely difficult for the next government to reverse them all in its first term. This probably was one of the reasons behind the rush to get so much done this past year.
Peterson added a psychological dimension to the discussion. He suggested Guilbeault and Trudeau were behaving like wounded narcissists. They were acting like egomaniacs who recognized their time in office was coming to an end and wanted to do as much as possible in the time they had left to pad their reputations as “do or die” climate warriors. They were striving to guarantee their legacies as planet-saving heroes.
They are probably both right. But Smith’s assessment speaks more directly to the practical challenges a new Conservative government will confront while trying to unwind the morass of legislation and regulations needlessly hampering the growth of environmentally responsible resource development in the west. It is an effort by the outgoing government to make their anti-oil legacy tamper proof.
Simply wading through the legislative quagmire and assessing where reform is most urgent and readily achievable will take time and effort. The wheels of parliament can turn slowly. No doubt some of the bureaucrats employed by the Liberals are true believers—frightened of the “impending climate apocalypse” and unlikely to expedite changes to environmental legislation and regulations. And, there could be multi-year contracts with consultants and other suppliers and long-term funding arrangements with companies and NGOs that will be difficult to unwind.
Let’s not forget the inevitable legal challenges that will threaten to hold up the reform process. Environmental groups and other special interests can be expected to use the courts to block efforts to reverse Liberal government policy. Ideally, the new government will cut off funding support for anti-oil environmental groups. Then at least supporters of the gas and petroleum sectors won’t be sued by activists funded with our tax dollars.
Then there are all the other important things governments are required to do and a limited amount of time to do them—drafting fiscally responsible budgets and dealing with the possibility of US tariffs on our exports come to mind as things near the top of the to-do list.
The highly anticipated Poilievre government may not be able to move as far and fast in reversing the Trudeau-Guilbeault legacy as we might like. They will face immense challenges and should be given a fair bit of slack if they can’t fix everything early in their first term.
*COP stands for Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). The framework was adopted by the countries attending the UN sponsored Rio Earth Summit held at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil in 1992. The number in COP29 indicates it is the 29th annual post-Rio conference of the parties.
Alberta
Carney forces Alberta to pay a steep price for the West Coast Pipeline MOU
From the Fraser Institute
The stiffer carbon tax will make Alberta’s oil sector more expensive and thus less competitive at a time when many analysts expect a surge in oil production. The costs of mandated carbon capture will similarly increase costs in the oilsands and make the province less cost competitive.
As we enter the final days of 2025, a “deal” has been struck between Carney government and the Alberta government over the province’s ability to produce and interprovincially transport its massive oil reserves (the world’s 4th-largest). The agreement is a step forward and likely a net positive for Alberta and its citizens. However, it’s not a second- or even third-best option, but rather a fourth-best option.
The agreement is deeply rooted in the development of a particular technology—the Pathways carbon capture, utilization and storage (CCUS) project, in exchange for relief from the counterproductive regulations and rules put in place by the Trudeau government. That relief, however, is attached to a requirement that Alberta commit to significant spending and support for Ottawa’s activist industrial policies. Also, on the critical issue of a new pipeline from Alberta to British Columbia’s coast, there are commitments but nothing approaching a guarantee.
Specifically, the agreement—or Memorandum of Understanding (MOU)—between the two parties gives Alberta exemptions from certain federal environmental laws and offers the prospect of a potential pathway to a new oil pipeline to the B.C. coast. The federal cap on greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions from the oil and gas sector will not be instituted; Alberta will be exempt from the federal “Clean Electricity Regulations”; a path to a million-barrel-per day pipeline to the BC coast for export to Asia will be facilitated and established as a priority of both governments, and the B.C. tanker ban may be adjusted to allow for limited oil transportation. Alberta’s energy sector will also likely gain some relief from the “greenwashing” speech controls emplaced by the Trudeau government.
In exchange, Alberta has agreed to implement a stricter (higher) industrial carbon-pricing regime; contribute to new infrastructure for electricity transmission to both B.C. and Saskatchewan; support through tax measures the building of a massive “sovereign” data centre; significantly increase collaboration and profit-sharing with Alberta’s Indigenous peoples; and support the massive multibillion-dollar Pathways project. Underpinning the entire MOU is an explicit agreement by Alberta with the federal government’s “net-zero 2050” GHG emissions agenda.
The MOU is probably good for Alberta and Canada’s oil industry. However, Alberta’s oil sector will be required to go to significantly greater—and much more expensive—lengths than it has in the past to meet the MOU’s conditions so Ottawa supports a west coast pipeline.
The stiffer carbon tax will make Alberta’s oil sector more expensive and thus less competitive at a time when many analysts expect a surge in oil production. The costs of mandated carbon capture will similarly increase costs in the oilsands and make the province less cost competitive. There’s additional complexity with respect to carbon capture since it’s very feasibility at the scale and time-frame stipulated in the MOU is questionable, as the historical experience with carbon capture, utilization and storage for storing GHG gases sustainably has not been promising.
These additional costs and requirements are why the agreement is the not the best possible solution. The ideal would have been for the federal government to genuinely review existing laws and regulations on a cost-benefit basis to help achieve its goal to become an “energy superpower.” If that had been done, the government would have eliminated a host of Trudeau-era regulations and laws, or at least massively overhauled them.
Instead, the Carney government, and now with the Alberta government, has chosen workarounds and special exemptions to the laws and regulations that still apply to everyone else.
Again, it’s very likely the MOU will benefit Alberta and the rest of the country economically. It’s no panacea, however, and will leave Alberta’s oil sector (and Alberta energy consumers) on the hook to pay more for the right to move its export products across Canada to reach other non-U.S. markets. It also forces Alberta to align itself with Ottawa’s activist industrial policy—picking winning and losing technologies in the oil-production marketplace, and cementing them in place for decades. A very mixed bag indeed.
Alberta
Alberta and Ottawa ink landmark energy agreement
The Governments of Canada and Alberta have signed a new agreement to more than double oil exports to Asian markets, address investment uncertainty and reduce emissions.
This new energy partnership is a critical step towards achieving Alberta’s and Canada’s shared goal of turning our country into a world energy superpower and building a stronger and more vibrant economy.
The new energy agreement includes:
- A declaration by the federal government that an Indigenous co-owned Alberta bitumen pipeline to Asian markets is a project of national interest.
- Agreement that the parties will work together to facilitate the application, approval and construction of a privately financed and constructed 1 million+ barrel per day, Indigenous co-owned bitumen pipeline to Asian markets through a strategic deep-water port.
- Commitment by the federal government that it will not be implementing the federal oil and gas emissions cap.
- An immediate suspension of the federal Clean Electricity Regulations, and agreement the parties will work towards the construction of thousands of megawatts of AI computing power, with a large portion dedicated to sovereign computing for Canada and its allies.
- Commitment by both governments to partner with the Pathways companies to finance and construct the world’s largest carbon capture utilization and storage (CCUS) project for the purpose of making Alberta bitumen amongst the lowest emission intensity barrel of heavy oil in the world.
- In order to achieve net zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050, the Alberta and federal governments will design and commit to globally competitive, long-term carbon pricing and sector-specific stringency factors by Apr. 1, 2026, for large Alberta emitters in both the oil and gas and electricity sectors through Alberta’s TIER system.
- Entering into a methane equivalency agreement by Apr. 1, 2026, with a 2035 target date and a 75 per cent reduction target relative to 2014 methane emissions levels.
- Agreement to immediately consult and work with Indigenous partners and the Government of British Columbia to ensure their peoples enjoy substantial economic and financial benefit from the pipeline.
- Significantly decrease regulatory uncertainty through a variety of changes to various legislation, regulation and policy.
The new agreement also demonstrates that both Alberta and Canada are focused on ways to increase the production and export of Alberta oil and gas, maximize growth in AI datacentre and related industries in Alberta, assist Canada in achieving its national security goals, create hundreds of thousands of new jobs, all while reducing the emissions intensity of Canadian oil, gas and electricity through the development and implementation of CCUS, nuclear and other emissions reducing technologies.
“This is Alberta’s moment of opportunity to take the first steps toward being a global energy superpower and show the nation that resource development and sustainability can coexist. There is much hard work ahead of us, but today is a new starting point for nation building as we increase our energy production for the benefit of millions and forge a new relationship between Alberta and the federal government.”
Oil pipeline
An Indigenous co-owned bitumen pipeline to Asian markets will ensure the province and country are no longer dependent on just one customer to buy their most valuable resource. It is agreed this new pipeline would be in addition to the expansion of the Trans Mountain pipeline for an additional 300,000 to 400,000 barrels per day destined for Asian markets.
This agreement also allows for needed adjustments to the tanker ban when the new pipeline to Asia is approved by the major projects office, as well as amendments that ensure Alberta’s energy companies can advertise their environmental leadership and efforts throughout the world without fear of penalty.
“This pipeline is an excellent opportunity to demonstrate partnership and progress. My hope is that it will create lasting economic benefits for First Nations and strengthen the relationships that matter most — government-to-government and community-to-community. Indigenous equity ownership is shaping Canada’s economy, and when our voices help guide every decision, we build trust and a future that will support generations to come.”
Oil and gas emissions cap
The federal government has also committed to not implementing the oil and gas emissions cap, allowing for a massive increase in oil production and private sector jobs and moving Alberta towards its goal of reaching six million barrels per day of oil production by 2030 and eight million barrels per day by 2035.
“The Energy Accord signed today by Prime Minister Carney and Premier Smith sends an important signal that Canada’s oil and gas development is integral to the economy and is open for business. This agreement shows that Canada is taking action to address regulations and policy that are impacting competitiveness and investment.”
“The Business Council of Alberta is delighted to see the removal of the oil and gas emissions cap, which was a cap on production and prosperity in Canada. Now, without the cap, Canada truly can grow energy production, export globally, and generate the investments and jobs that will help deliver a better quality of life for all Canadians.”
Clean Electricity Regulations
The agreement also includes the immediate suspension of the Clean Electricity Regulations in Alberta, which will stabilize Alberta’s power grid and enable massive investments in AI data centres in the province. Instead, Alberta will work with the federal government and industry on a new industrial carbon pricing agreement, to be administered through Alberta’s TIER program.
Pathways and emissions reduction
Both governments are committed to working together with the Pathways companies to advance the completion of the world’s largest CCUS infrastructure project.
This will make Alberta a world leader in the development and implementation of emissions reduction infrastructure – particularly in carbon capture utilization and storage. Alberta bitumen will be the cleanest heavy oil on the planet displacing heavier emitting oil from Russia, Venezuela and Iran, and bringing better environmental and geopolitical outcomes.
“The Pathways Alliance appreciates the leadership of both Prime Minister Carney and Premier Smith in entering this important Memorandum of Understanding which supports the growth of an industry that is critical to Canada’s economy. We look forward to working on the details with both the federal and Alberta governments in the coming months with our shared goal of Canada being an energy superpower.”
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