Business
Federal government’s accounting change reduces transparency and accountability

From the Fraser Institute
By Jake Fuss and Grady Munro
Carney’s deficit-spending plan over the next four years dwarfs the plan from Justin Trudeau, the biggest spender (per-person, inflation-adjusted) in Canadian history, and will add many more billions to Canada’s mountain of federal debt. Yet Prime Minister Carney has tried to sell his plan as more responsible than his predecessor’s.
All Canadians should care about government transparency. In Ottawa, the federal government must provide timely and comprehensible reporting on federal finances so Canadians know whether the government is staying true to its promises. And yet, the Carney government’s new spending framework—which increases complexity and ambiguity in the federal budget—will actually reduce transparency and make it harder for Canadians to hold the government accountable.
The government plans to separate federal spending into two budgets: the operating budget and the capital budget. Spending on government salaries, cash transfers to the provinces (for health care, for example) and to people (e.g. Old Age Security) will fall within the operating budget, while spending on “anything that builds an asset” will fall within the capital budget. Prime Minister Carney plans to balance the operating budget by 2028/29 while increasing spending within the capital budget (which will be funded by more borrowing).
According to the Liberal Party platform, this accounting change will “create a more transparent categorization of the expenditure that contributes to capital formation in Canada.” But in reality, it will muddy the waters and make it harder to evaluate the state of federal finances.
First off, the change will make it more difficult to recognize the actual size of the deficit. While the Carney government plans to balance the operating budget by 2028/29, this does not mean it plans to stop borrowing money. In fact, it will continue to borrow to finance increased capital spending, and as a result, after accounting for both operating and capital spending, will increase planned deficits over the next four years by a projected $93.4 billion compared to the Trudeau government’s last spending plan. You read that right—Carney’s deficit-spending plan over the next four years dwarfs the plan from Justin Trudeau, the biggest spender (per-person, inflation-adjusted) in Canadian history, and will add many more billions to Canada’s mountain of federal debt. Yet Prime Minister Carney has tried to sell his plan as more responsible than his predecessor’s.
In addition to obscuring the amount of borrowing, splitting the budget allows the government to get creative with its accounting. Certain types of spending clearly fall into one category or another. For example, salaries for bureaucrats clearly represent day-to-day operations while funding for long-term infrastructure projects are clearly capital investments. But Carney’s definition of “capital spending” remains vague. Instead of limiting this spending category to direct investments in long-term assets such as roads, ports or military equipment, the government will also include in the capital budget new “incentives” that “support the formation of private sector capital (e.g. patents, plants, and technology) or which meaningfully raise private sector productivity.” In other words, corporate welfare.
Indeed, based on the government’s definition of capital spending, government subsidies to corporations—as long as they somehow relate to creating an asset—could potentially land in the same spending category as new infrastructure spending. Not only would this be inaccurate, but this broad definition means the government could potentially balance the operating budget simply by shifting spending over to the capital budget, as opposed to reducing spending. This would add to the debt but allow the government to maneuver under the guise of “responsible” budgeting.
Finally, rather than split federal spending into two budgets, to increase transparency the Carney government could give Canadians a better idea of how their tax dollars are spent by providing additional breakdowns of line items about operating and capital spending within the existing budget framework.
Clearly, Carney’s new spending framework, as laid out in the Liberal election platform, will only further complicate government finances and make it harder for Canadians to hold their government accountable.
Business
Canada Is Still Paying The Price For Trudeau’s Fiscal Delusions

From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy
By Lee Harding
Trudeau’s reckless spending has left Canadians with record debt, poorer services and no path back to a balanced budget.
It’s time for Canada to break free from Trudeau’s big-spending legacy. With soaring deficits, mounting debt, and stalled growth, we need a budget that cuts red tape, flattens taxes, and puts the economy first.
Justin Trudeau may be gone, but the economic consequences of his fiscal approach, chronic deficits, rising debt costs and stagnating growth, are still weighing heavily on Canada.
Before becoming prime minister, Justin Trudeau famously said, “The budget will balance itself.” He argued that if expenditures stayed the same, economic growth would drive higher tax revenues and eventually outpace spending. Voila–balance!
But while the theory may have been sound, Trudeau had no real intention of pursuing a balanced budget. In 2015, he campaigned on intentionally overspending and borrowing to build infrastructure, arguing that low interest rates made it the right time to run deficits.
This argument, weak in its concept, proved even more flawed in practice. Post-pandemic deficits have been horrendous, far exceeding the modest overspending initially promised. The budgetary deficit was $327.7 billion in 2020–21, $90.3 billion the year following, and between $35.3 billion and $61.9 billion in the years since.
Those formerly historically low interest rates are also gone now, partly because the federal government has spent so much. The original excuse for deficits has vanished, but the red ink and Canada’s infrastructure deficit remain.
For two decades, interest payments on federal debt steadily declined, falling from 24.6 per cent of government revenues in 1999–2000 to just 5.9 per cent in 2021–22, thanks largely to falling interest rates and prior fiscal restraint. But that trend has reversed. By 2023–24, payments surged past 10 per cent for the first time in over a decade, as rising interest rates collided with record federal debt built up under Trudeau.
Rising debt costs are only part of the story. Federal revenues aren’t what they could have been because Canada’s economy has stagnated. Population growth pads our overall GDP growth stats, but masks our productivity problem. From 2014 to 2022, Canada had near-lowest GDP growth among 30 countries in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. Canada’s average growth rate during that period (0.6 per cent) was only ahead of Luxembourg (0.5 per cent) and Mexico (0.4 per cent).Why should a country like Canada, so blessed with natural resources and know-how, do so poorly? Capital investment has fled because our government has made onerous regulations, especially hindering our energy industry. In theory, there’s now a remedy. Thanks to new legislation, the Carney government can extend its magic sceptre to those who align with its agenda to fast-track major projects and bypass the labyrinth it created. But unless you’re onside, the red tape still strangles you.
But as the private sector withers under red tape, Ottawa’s civil service keeps ballooning. Some trimming has begun, rattling public sector unions. Still, Canada will be left with at least five times as many federal tax employees per capita as the U.S.
Canada also needs to ease its hell-bent pursuit of net-zero carbon emissions. Hydrocarbons still power the Canadian economy, from vehicles to home heating, and aren’t practically replaceable. Canada has already demonstrated that pursuing net-zero targets can result in near-zero per capita growth. Despite high immigration, the OECD projects Canada to have the lowest overall GDP growth from 2030 to 2060.
The Nov. 4 release of the federal budget is better late than never. So would be a plan to grow the economy, slash red tape and eliminate the deficit. But we’re unlikely to get one.
Lee Harding is a research fellow with the Frontier Centre for Public Policy.
Business
Canadians responsible for $2.3 trillion in government debt: Every single person in Alberta owes $40,939

From the Fraser Institute
By Jake Fuss, Tegan Hill and William Dunstan
The Carney government plans to table its long-awaited federal budget on Nov. 4. In the summer, Prime Minister Carney announced billions of dollars in new spending that could push this year’s federal deficit above $90 billion, which would add significantly to the federal debt.
Indeed, the federal government, and the provincial governments, have racked up mountains of debt over the past decade and a half, with no end in sight.
According to a recent study, combined federal and provincial government net debt (total debt minus financial assets) nearly doubled (inflation-adjusted) from $1.2 trillion in 2007/08 to a projected $2.3 trillion at the end of 2024/25.
Putting this debt in per-person terms helps illustrate its scale.
Combined provincial and federal net debt per person ranges from a low of $40,939 in Alberta to a high of $68,861 in Newfoundland and Labrador. Combined federal and provincial net debt represents total provincial net debt plus each province’s share of federal net debt, which the study allocated to each province based on a five-year average (2020-2024) of their share of Canada’s population.
Of course, Canadians are ultimately responsible for financing this debt. Indeed, governments, like households, must pay interest on their debt, and taxpayers fund these debt interest payments. When tax dollars are spent on debt interest payments, those same dollars cannot be spent on important programs such as health care or used to provide tax relief.
The federal government spent a projected $53.8 billion on debt interest payments in 2024/25, more than it spent on the Canada Health Transfer ($52.1 billion), which supports provincial health-care systems. For many provinces, debt interest costs are the fourth-largest expense after health care, education and social services.
Many governments do not plan to stop adding to their net debt. Federally, the government’s recent tax and spending commitments will likely result in deficits of more than $70 billion each year through 2028/29. Additionally, six provinces—Alberta, British Columbia, Quebec, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island—project budget deficits each year from 2025/26 to 2027/28. All provinces except Saskatchewan project deficits in 2025/26.
But there’s good news. Past governments have shown it’s possible to restrain spending and reduce debt. In fact, the 2008/09 recession marked a turning point for government deficits and debt in Canada. From the mid-1990s to the late-2000s, it was a different story, as the federal government and many provincial governments sought to restrain spending, balance their budgets and limit debt accumulation.
But now and for many years, many governments across Canada have run deficits and accumulated debt, at great cost to taxpayers. It’s time governments develop real plans to address their ballooning debt burdens. The upcoming Carney budget is a good place to start.
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