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Federal government seems committed to killing investment in Canada

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From the Fraser Institute

By Kenneth P. Green

Business investment in the extraction sector (again, excluding residential structures and adjusted for inflation) has declined from $101.9 billion to $49.7 billion, a reduction of 51.2 per cent

Canada has a business investment problem, and it’s serious. Total business investment (inflation-adjusted, excluding residential construction) declined by 7.3 per cent between 2014 and 2022. The decline in business investment in the extractive sector (mining, quarrying, oil and gas) is even more pronounced.

During that period, business investment in the extraction sector (again, excluding residential structures and adjusted for inflation) has declined from $101.9 billion to $49.7 billion, a reduction of 51.2 per cent. In fact, from 2014 to 2022, declines in the extraction sector are larger than the total decline in overall non-residential business investment.

That’s very bad. Now why is this happening?

One factor is the heavy regulatory burden imposed on Canadian business, particularly in the extraction sector. How do we know that proliferating regulations, and concerns over regulatory uncertainty, deter investment in the mining, quarrying and oil and gas sectors? Because senior executives in these industries tell us virtually every year in a survey, which helps us understand the investment attractiveness of jurisdictions across Canada.

And Canada has seen an onslaught of investment-repelling regulations over the past decade, particularly in the oil and gas sector. For example, the Trudeau government in 2019 gave us Bill C-69, also known as the “no new pipelines” bill, which amended and introduced federal acts to overhaul the governmental review process for approving major infrastructure projects. The changes were heavily criticized for prolonging the already lengthy approval process, increasing uncertainty, and further politicizing the process.

In 2019, Ottawa also gave us Bill C-48, the “no tankers” bill, which changed regulations for vessels transporting oil to and from ports on British Columbia’s northern coast, effectively banning such shipments and thus limiting the ability of Canadian firms to export. More recently, the government has introduced a hard cap on greenhouse gas emissions coming from the oil and gas sector, and new fuel regulations that will drive up fuel costs.

And last year, with limited consultation with industry or the provinces, the Trudeau government announced major new regulations for methane emissions in the oil and gas sector, which will almost inevitably raise costs and curtail production.

Clearly, Canada badly needs regulatory reform to stem the flood of ever more onerous new regulations on our businesses, to trim back gratuitous regulations from previous generations of regulators, and lower the regulatory burden that has Canada’s economy labouring.

One approach to regulatory reform could be to impose “regulatory cap and trade” on regulators. This approach would establish a declining cap on the number of regulations that government can promulgate each year, with a requirement that new regulations be “traded” for existing regulations that impose similar economic burdens on the regulated community. Regulatory cap-and-trade of this sort showed success at paring regulations in a 2001 regulatory reform effort in B.C.

The urgency of regulatory reform in Canada can only be heightened by the recent United States Supreme Court decision to overturn what was called “Chevron Deference,” which gave regulators powers to regulate well beyond the express intent of Congressional legislation. Removing Chevron Deterrence will likely send a lot of U.S. regulations back to the drawing board, as lawsuits pour in challenging their legitimacy. This will impose regulatory reform in and of itself, and will likely make the U.S. regulatory system even more competitive than Canada.

If policymakers want to make Canada more competitive and unshackle our economy, they must cut the red tape, and quickly.

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Canada urgently needs a watchdog for government waste

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This article supplied by Troy Media.

Troy Media By Ian Madsen

From overstaffed departments to subsidy giveaways, Canadians are paying a high price for government excess

Canada’s federal spending is growing, deficits are mounting, and waste is going unchecked. As governments look for ways to control costs, some experts say Canada needs a dedicated agency to root out inefficiency—before it’s too late

Not all the Trump administration’s policies are dubious. One is very good, in theory at least: the Department of Government Efficiency. While that
term could be an oxymoron, like ‘political wisdom,’ if DOGE proves useful, a Canadian version might be, too.

DOGE aims to identify wasteful, duplicative, unnecessary or destructive government programs and replace outdated data systems. It also seeks to
lower overall costs and ensure mechanisms are in place to evaluate proposed programs for effectiveness and value for money. This can, and often does, involve eliminating departments and, eventually, thousands of jobs. Some new roles within DOGE may need to become permanent.

The goal in the U.S. is to reduce annual operating costs and ensure government spending grows more slowly than revenues. Washington’s spending has exploded in recent years. The U.S. federal deficit now exceeds six per cent of gross domestic product. According to the U.S. Treasury Department, the cost of servicing that debt is rising at an unsustainable rate.

Canada’s latest budget deficit of $61.9 billion in fiscal 2023-24 amounts to about two per cent of GDP—less alarming than our neighbour’s situation, but still significant. It adds to the federal debt of $1.236 trillion, about 41 per cent of our estimated $3 trillion GDP. Ottawa’s public accounts show expenses at 17.8 per cent of GDP, up from about 14 per cent just eight years ago. Interest on the growing debt accounted for 9.1 per cent of
revenues in the most recent fiscal year, up from five per cent just two years ago.

The Canadian Taxpayers Federation (CTF) consistently highlights dubious spending, outright waste and extravagant programs: “$30 billion in subsidies to multinational corporations like Honda, Volkswagen, Stellantis and Northvolt. Federal corporate subsidies totalled $11.2 billion in 2022 alone. Shutting down the federal government’s seven regional development agencies would save taxpayers an estimated $1.5 billion annually.”

The CTF also noted that Ottawa hired 108,000 additional staff over the past eight years, at an average annual cost of more than $125,000 each. Hiring based on population growth alone would have added just 35,500 staff, saving about $9 billion annually. The scale of waste is staggering. Canada Post, the CBC and Via Rail collectively lose more than $5 billion a year. For reference, $1 billion could buy Toyota RAV4s for over 25,600 families.

Ottawa also duplicates functions handled by provincial governments, often stepping into areas of constitutional provincial jurisdiction. Shifting federal programs in health, education, environment and welfare to the provinces could save many more billions annually. Poor infrastructure decisions have also cost Canadians dearly—most notably the $33.4 billion blown on what should have been a relatively simple expansion of the Trans Mountain pipeline. Better project management and staffing could have prevented that disaster. Federal IT systems are another money pit, as shown by the $4-billion Phoenix payroll debacle. Then there’s the Green Slush Fund, which misallocated nearly $900 million.

Even more worrying, the rapidly expanding Old Age Supplement and Guaranteed Income Security programs are unfunded, unlike the Canada Pension Plan. Their combined cost is already roughly equal to the federal deficit and could soon become unmanageable.

Canada is sleepwalking toward financial ruin. A Canadian version of DOGE—Canada Accountability, Efficiency and Transparency Team, or CAETT—is urgently needed. The Office of the Auditor General does an admirable job identifying waste and poor performance, but it’s not proactive and lacks enforcement powers. At present, there is no mechanism in place to evaluate or eliminate ineffective programs. CAETT could fill that gap and help secure a prosperous future for Canadians.

Ian Madsen is a senior policy analyst at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy.

The views, opinions, and positions expressed by our columnists and contributors are solely their own and do not necessarily reflect those of our publication.

© Troy Media

Troy Media empowers Canadian community news outlets by providing independent, insightful analysis and commentary. Our mission is to support local media in helping Canadians stay informed and engaged by delivering reliable content that strengthens community connections and deepens understanding across the country.

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Trump says he expects ‘great relationship’ with Carney, who ‘hated’ him less than Poilievre

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From LifeSiteNews

By Anthony Murdoch

U.S. President Donald Trump implied that he was satisfied with Mark Carney winning the 2025 Canadian federal election, calling him a “nice gentleman” who “hated” him less than Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre.

“I think we are going to have a great relationship. He called me up yesterday and said, ‘Let’s make a deal,’” said Trump on Wednesday when asked about Carney and Monday’s election results.

Trump then said that Carney and Poilievre “both hated Trump,” but added, “It was the one that hated Trump I think the least that won.”

“I actually think the conservative hated me much more than the so-called liberal, he’s a pretty liberal guy,” he said.

Trump said that he spoke with Carney already, and that “he couldn’t have been nicer. And I congratulated him.”

“You know it’s a very mixed signal because it’s almost even, which makes it very complicated for the country. It’s a pretty tight race,” said Trump.

Trump then called Carney a “very nice gentleman and he’s going to come to the White House very shortly.”

Monday’s election saw Liberal leader Carney beat out Conservative rival Poilievre, who also lost his seat. The Conservatives managed to pick up over 20 new seats, however, and Poilievre has vowed to stay on as party leader, for now.

Back in March, Trump said at the time he had “an extremely productive call” with Carney and implied that the World Economic Forum-linked politician would win Canada’s upcoming federal election.

Trump, mostly while Justin Trudeau was prime minister, had repeatedly said that Canada should join the United States as its 51st state. This fueled a wave of anti-American sentiment in Canada, which saw the mainstream press say Poilievre was a “Trump lite” instead of Carney.

Poilievre at the time hit back at Trump, saying that the reason Trump endorsed Carney was that he “knows” he would be a “tough negotiator.”

Trump’s comments regarding Carney were indeed significant, as much of the debate in the mainstream media ahead of the election was about how the prospective leaders will handle tariff threats and trade deals with America.

Many political pundits have said that Carney owes his win to Trump.

Carney’s win has sparked a constitutional crisis. Alberta Premier Danielle Smith, as reported by LifeSiteNews, said that her province could soon consider taking serious steps toward greater autonomy from Canada in light of Carney’s win.

Under Carney, the Liberals are expected to continue much of what they did under Trudeau, including the party’s zealous push in favor of abortion, euthanasia, radical gender ideologyinternet regulation and so-called “climate change” policies. Indeed, Carney, like Trudeau, seems to have extensive ties to both China and the globalist World Economic Forum, connections which were brought up routinely by conservatives in the lead-up to the election.

Poilievre’s defeat comes as many social conservatives felt betrayed by the leader, who more than once on the campaign trail promised to maintain the status quo on abortion – which is permitted through all nine months of pregnancy – and euthanasia and who failed to directly address a number of moral issues like the LGBT agenda.

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