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Explosive New RCMP Transcript Renews Spotlight on Trudeau, Butts, Telford—Powers Behind Mark Carney’s Leadership Bid

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Sam Cooper

Wilson-Raybould asked by RCMP: ‘Did you advise Mr. BUTTS at one point that all this interference could amount at one point to an unlawful act?”

Despite controversial redactions that, according to a transparency advocate, may be inappropriately shielding Justin Trudeau’s inner circle from obstruction of justice accusations, newly released Royal Canadian Mounted Police transcripts provide unprecedented insight into the intense pressure campaign aimed at Jody Wilson-Raybould’s office to obstruct the prosecution of a major Quebec corporation closely tied to Trudeau’s government, his Montreal riding, and the Liberal Party’s re-election hopes.

These newly revealed RCMP interview records, though more than four years old, cast a fresh spotlight on Trudeau’s senior aides—several of whom, including Trudeau’s close friend Gerald Butts, have reportedly thrown their weight behind Mark Carney, the Liberal leadership frontrunner who appears poised to succeed Trudeau.

In a stunning revelation, RCMP records indicate that Wilson-Raybould warned Trudeau’s then-Principal Secretary, Gerald Butts, about her concerns regarding the unlawful nature of the pressure campaign.

 

As previously reported by The Bureau, Duff Conacher, co-founder of Democracy Watch—which obtained the records—commented:

“The Prime Minister and Cabinet officials pressuring the Attorney General to obstruct a prosecution is a situation that has not been publicly revealed before. Given that no past court ruling makes it clear the RCMP could not win a prosecution, a fully independent special prosecutor should have been appointed to pursue a search warrant for secret Cabinet communications.”

Documents obtained through access-to-information requests from Democracy Watch detail how Jessica Prince, Chief of Staff to then-Attorney General Wilson-Raybould, faced repeated, coordinated, and escalating demands from senior Trudeau officials to persuade Wilson-Raybould to override her prosecutors’ decision and cut SNC-Lavalin a deal.

What began as a single call from Finance Minister Bill Morneau’s office in August 2018 spiraled into months of pressure, involving some of the most powerful figures in Trudeau’s inner circle, including:

  • Ben Chin, Chief of Staff to Finance Minister Bill Morneau
  • Elder Marques & Mathieu Bouchard, Senior Advisors in the Prime Minister’s Office
  • Gerald Butts, Trudeau’s Principal Secretary
  • Katie Telford, Trudeau’s Chief of Staff
  • Michael Wernick, Clerk of the Privy Council

SNC-Lavalin, one of Quebec’s largest engineering and construction firms, was charged in 2015 with fraud and corruption over alleged bribes to Libyan officials. In 2018, the Director of Public Prosecutions refused to offer SNC-Lavalin a Deferred Prosecution Agreement, prompting intense lobbying efforts by senior Trudeau officials.

Prince was first approached by Ben Chin in mid-August 2018.

“The case wasn’t on my radar at all,” Prince told an RCMP investigator. “The Public Prosecution Service is independent and handles tons of cases. We weren’t on top of all of them because the Department of Justice has about 45,000 pieces of litigation of its own. This was not high on my list of priorities.”

She recalled the abruptness of Chin’s outreach.

“He had clearly been speaking—I don’t know to whom—but to somebody at SNC-Lavalin, presumably someone quite high up, and was asking questions about the status of their prosecution.”

Prince described Chin as relentless, continuing to press her even as she tried to deflect.

“Francois was acting as Chief of Staff in my absence, so whenever people were trying to get a hold of me, I’d push them off to Francois. But Ben wouldn’t take no for an answer. He was like, ‘No, I really need to speak to you; I can’t speak to Francois.’”

Despite Prince’s repeated explanations about prosecutorial independence, Chin kept pushing. At one point, he insisted there had to be “a middle ground”—a compromise that would spare SNC-Lavalin from a criminal conviction.

Prince stood firm:

“There is no middle ground on prosecutorial independence, Ben. Like, you can’t. There’s not. It’s independent, you can’t, you can’t touch it.”

The next day, Bill Morneau’s office followed up, this time through Deputy Chief of Staff Justin To, whom Prince described as “Ben’s number two” and a former Prime Minister’s Office staffer.

One of the most explosive allegations from Jessica Prince’s RCMP interview involves her accusations of interference to Mathieu Bouchard, a Senior Advisor in the Prime Minister’s Office.

In October 2018, Prince received a call from Bouchard regarding a note prepared by the Deputy Attorney General. The note examined the relationship between the Attorney General and the Public Prosecution Service of Canada and included a controversial option: obtaining an external legal opinion on whether the Director of Public Prosecutions’ decision to deny SNC-Lavalin a Deferred Prosecution Agreement was appropriate.

Prince described Bouchard as persistent, pressing for ways to circumvent the Director of Public Prosecutions’ decision.

During the call, Prince accused Bouchard of interference:

“Look, Mathieu, this is… this is interference, right? Like this is, uh, to say we’re getting an external legal opinion, like, to what end, right? Like, if we think that the Director is exercising her discretion appropriately, why are we getting an external legal opinion, right?”

She pushed back on the implications of his request. Bouchard responded by tying the decision to the political stakes in Quebec, warning that SNC-Lavalin could pull its headquarters from the province.

“He said, ‘You know, Jess, we could have the best policy in the world, but if we… we have to get re-elected, right?’”

According to Prince, the intensity of pressure culminated in a meeting with Katie Telford and Gerry Butts on December 17, 2018. Prince emphasized how extraordinary the meeting was, saying, ‘It was incredibly rare that I would even have a phone call with Gerry or Katie, let alone be summoned to their office. So, I knew it wasn’t good.’ She noted how ‘the Chief of Staff of the Prime Minister is like, effectively the boss to all the chiefs of staff of the ministers’ offices.’

    Katie Telford

After the meeting, Prince took detailed handwritten notes and sent a text to the Minister, Jody Wilson-Raybould, informing her of everything that had happened.

In her own subsequent interview with RCMP, according to the records, Wilson-Raybould was asked: “We’re in December now, so there’s quite a bit of meetings that took place before that. Did you advise Mr. Butts at one point that all this interference could amount at one point to an unlawful act?”

“I met Gerry at the Chateau,” the former Attorney General answered, “[and] we talk about a bunch of things, and there was a list of things that I wanted to bring up at the end which, is what I did and reflecting to him the nature of the number of discussions that I’ve had and it’s simply inappropriate.”

Meanwhile, the documents say around the time of that meeting, Prince learned that Michael Wernick, the Clerk of the Privy Council, was also involved in the pressure campaign. According to Prince, Wernick spoke to Wilson-Raybould and made it clear that the Prime Minister was growing increasingly agitated over her refusal to intervene. Prince recounted that Wernick said, ‘I don’t want the Attorney General and the Prime Minister to be at loggerheads on this… he’s in a real mood.’

The rest of Prince’s interview reads like the dénouement of a play, as she describes both herself and the Attorney General refusing to be shuffled to other posts, with both believing their functions had been interfered with from the highest levels, to benefit Trudeau’s re-election chances. After hearing Prince’s chronological narrative, the RCMP investigator pressed her on Ben Chin’s relationship with SNC-Lavalin.

“At one point… did Mr. Chin really indicate exactly what he meant by keeping that relationship positive with SNC-LAVALIN?”

Prince responded:

“I had the impression that he had been talking with somebody pretty senior at the company… he was clearly speaking to people high up in the company.”

The scandal broke in early 2019 when Wilson-Raybould resigned from Cabinet, followed by Treasury Board President Jane Philpott. Trudeau weathered the political storm but suffered the loss of a majority government in the October 2019 federal election.

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Carney and other world leaders should recognize world’s dependence on fossil fuels

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From the Fraser Institute

By Julio Mejía and Elmira Aliakbari

Simply put, despite trillions invested in the energy transition, the world is more dependent on fossil fuels today than when the United Nations launched its first COP. No wonder that ahead of COP30, leading voices of the net-zero-by-2050 agenda, including Bill Gates, are acknowledging both the vital role of fossil fuels on the planet and the failure of efforts to cut them.

On the heels of his first federal budget, which promises more spending to promote a “green economy,” Prime Minister Carney will soon fly to Brazil for COP30, the 30th United Nations climate summit. Like the former Trudeau government, the Carney government has pledged to achieve “net-zero” emissions in Canada—and compel other countries to pursue net-zero—by 2050. To achieve a net-zero world, it’s necessary to phase out fossil fuels—oil, natural gas, coal—or offset their CO2 emissions with technologies such as “carbon capture” or large-scale tree planting.

But after trillions of dollars spent in pursuit of that goal, it appears more unrealistic than ever. It’s time for world leaders, including Canada’s policymakers, to face reality and be honest about the costly commitments they make on behalf of their citizens.

For starters, carbon capture—the process of trapping and storing carbon dioxide so it’s unable to affect the atmosphere—is a developing technology not yet capable of large-scale deployment. And planting enough trees to offset global emissions would require vast amounts of land, take decades to absorb significant CO2 and risk unpredictable losses from wildfires and drought. Due to these constraints, in their net-zero quest governments and private investors have poured significant resources into “clean energy” such as wind and solar to replace fossil fuels.

According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), from 2015 to 2024, the world’s public and private investment in clean energy totalled and estimated US$14.6 trillion (inflation-adjusted). Yet from 1995 (the first COP year) to 2024, global fossil fuel consumption increased by more than 64 per cent. Specifically, oil consumption grew by 39 per cent, natural gas by 96 per cent and coal by 76 per cent. As of 2024, fossil fuels accounted for 80.6 per cent of global energy consumption, slightly lower than the 85.6 per cent in 1995.

The Canadian case shows an even greater mismatch between Ottawa’s COP commitments and its actual results. Despite billions spent by the federal government on the low-carbon economy (electric vehicle subsidies, tax credits to corporations, etc.), fossil fuel consumption in our country has increased by 23 per cent between 1995 and 2024. Over the same period, the share of fossil fuels in Canada’s total energy consumption climbed from 62.0 to 66.3 per cent.

Simply put, despite trillions invested in the energy transition, the world is more dependent on fossil fuels today than when the United Nations launched its first COP. No wonder that ahead of COP30, leading voices of the net-zero-by-2050 agenda, including Bill Gates, are acknowledging both the vital role of fossil fuels on the planet and the failure of efforts to cut them.

Why has this massive effort, which includes many countries and trillions of dollars, failed to transition humanity away from fossil fuels?

As renowned scholar Vaclav Smil explains, it can take centuries—not decades—for an energy source to become globally predominant. For thousands of years, humanity relied on wood, charcoal, dried dung and other traditional biomass fuels for heating and cooking, with coal only becoming a major energy source around 1900. It took oil 150 years after its introduction into energy markets to account for one-quarter of global fossil fuel consumption, a milestone reached only in the 1950s. And for natural gas, it took about 130 years after its commercial development to reach 25 per cent of global fossil fuel consumption at the end of the 20th century.

Yet, coal, oil and natural gas didn’t completely replace traditional biomass to meet the surging energy demand as the modern world developed. As of 2020, nearly three billion people in developing countries still relied on charcoal, straw and dried dung to supply their basic energy needs. In light of these facts, the most vocal proponents of the global energy transition seem, at the very least, out of touch.

The world’s continued reliance on fossil fuels should prompt world leaders at COP30 to exercise caution before pushing the same unrealistic commitments of the past. And Prime Minister Carney, in particular, should be careful not to keep leading Canadians into costly ventures that lead nowhere near their intended results.

Julio Mejía

Policy Analyst

Elmira Aliakbari

Director, Natural Resource Studies, Fraser Institute
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Chinese-Owned Trailer Park Beside U.S. Stealth Bomber Base Linked to Alleged Vancouver Repression Case

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Sam Cooper's avatar Sam Cooper

A sprawling U.S. investigative report has placed a Richmond, B.C., couple already identified in a high-profile Chinese-diaspora repression case at the center of an even more explosive national-security controversy south of the border: they are linked to a web of shell companies that own a trailer park beside Whiteman Air Force Base in Missouri — home to the B-2 Spirit stealth bomber and launch point for the June 2025 strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities.

The same couple are named in B.C. court filings and appear in video evidence from a saga outside Vancouver journalist Bingchen Gao’s home, where activists aligned with Miles Guo — a New York–based tycoon with reported Chinese intelligence ties — staged repeated demonstrations in a siege-like campaign.

Taken together, the property records unearthed by the Daily Caller News Foundation, along with court and corporate documents reviewed by The Bureau to verify the American reporting, outline a cross-border pattern of potential Chinese state activity, echoing past cases of high-profile actors using Vancouver as a base for operations into the United States.

Raising the stakes, The Bureau has also identified a former Vancouver business entity tied to the couple, involved in hard-rock lithium exploration in Canada’s Northwest Territories — an alarming detail suggesting their network could intersect with China’s drive for critical-minerals supply chains in North America.

The real-estate thread south of the border is clear. Missouri business and environmental filings assembled by investigative reporter Philip Lenczycki show the Knob Noster Trailer Park is registered to Property Solutions 3603 LP, with a state operating permit locating the property directly north of Whiteman — roughly a mile from the runway. Companion filings in Utah and Georgia connect similarly named entities to the Richmond residents, Esther Mei and Cheng Hu. The couple, who share a Richmond home according to court documents, did not respond to repeated requests for comment, Lenczycki reported.

A former CIA operations officer said such thinly veiled ownership structures are typical of state-linked activity, including the use of foreign nationals to place assets near critical infrastructure. Bryan Dean Wright, a former CIA officer, told the Daily Caller there was “zero chance a Chinese couple from Canada rolled into Knob Noster and saw a strictly financial investment in a dumpy plot of land,” arguing that the trailer park “would hypothetically give Xi Jinping a range of options to wreak havoc.”

Wright’s assessment is not proof of wrongdoing, but his conclusion aligns with patterns previously reported by The Bureau.

At a recent hearing in Washington, D.C., Oklahoma Bureau of Narcotics Director Donnie Anderson told lawmakers that investigations into PRC-linked cannabis operations have uncovered claims of Chinese government interests strategically purchasing property near sensitive U.S. infrastructure — including a munitions plant in Oklahoma supplying a large share of the Pentagon’s heavy weapons.

Across North America, cases of PRC-linked farmland acquisitions are moving from headlines to court filings and prompting calls for official investigations. The Bureau has reported on major land purchases in Prince Edward Island allegedly tied to Beijing’s United Front network, and on the premier’s subsequent call for RCMP and FINTRAC investigations.

What brings the Richmond couple’s story into sharper focus for Canadian readers is the series of incidents outside Bingchen Gao’s home in 2020 and 2023.

Reporting on charges against Miles Guo in 2024, Global News in British Columbia wrote that demonstrators clad in New Federal State of China clothing protested outside Gao’s home for 77 days in 2020 and returned in January 2023. The outlet noted the group “would say little… save calling Gao ‘very dangerous’ and calling for his expulsion from Canada.”

In an earlier case, the Chinese journalist Gao fought a high-profile defamation battle with Vancouver developer Miaofei Pan, a leader of the Canadian Alliance of Chinese Associations (CACA) — which former PRC diplomat Chen Yonglin has publicly described as operating at a “controlling level” of the United Front Work Department in B.C. Pan and another CACA leader dispute that characterization, but they have also been questioned by the RCMP in probes into alleged PRC “police station” activity in Richmond, where no charges have been laid.

Pan, a prominent Liberal donor, was featured in The Globe and Mail’s reporting on wealthy Chinese immigrants hosting fundraisers attended by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. In his defamation case against Gao, Pan was awarded $1 in damages after B.C. Supreme Court Justice Neena Sharma rebuked his conduct, writing that she had “serious concerns” about his credibility.

In the subsequent Surrey neighborhood-siege case, civil pleadings and video evidence show Gao alleging an extended campaign by New Federal State of China demonstrators, including Esther Mei and Cheng Hu, outside his residence, followed by online amplification.

Gao’s claim states that from September 15, 2020, to December 3, 2020, and from January 20 to 25, 2023, the defendants appeared in front of his home, holding signs declaring “Gao Bingchen is a spy of the Chinese Communist Party.” The filing names several individuals, including the Richmond couple linked to the Missouri trailer park.

With this network’s legal connections to Miles Guo — also established in B.C. court records reviewed by the Daily Caller — the rabbit hole deepens. The NFSC formally launched in 2020, and Guo was convicted in New York in 2024 in a billion-dollar fraud case. A U.S. bankruptcy adversary filing lists Vancouver Sailing Farm Ltd. among defendants, a documented Canadian arm within the Guo-linked network. Guo has publicly described intelligence “affiliations” and proximity to senior Chinese security figures.

As I reported in Wilful Blindness (pp. 72–78), fugitive smuggling tycoon Lai Changxing — who migrated to Vancouver and was long alleged by police to have Big Circle Boys ties — operated within a PLA military-intelligence milieu overseen by Maj. Gen. Ji Shengde, later purged amid the Yuanhua scandal. U.S. fundraiser Johnny Chung testified that Ji directed $300,000 toward the 1996 Clinton campaign, and Miles Guo has claimed close ties to both Lai and Ji, saying he was asked by Ji to assist the PLA’s 2nd Department — a characterization he later repeated in interviews describing himself as an “affiliate” of Chinese state security.

If the Missouri trailer-park findings ultimately confirm Chinese-state adjacency through direct links to Vancouver-based property owners, they would fit a well-established Canadian pattern.

Historian Dennis Molinaro’s Under Assault traces how Beijing has repeatedly used Canada as a staging ground to reach its true strategic target — the United States. He charts a progression from political influence and industrial theft to targeted scientific infiltration, often leveraging patriotic sentiment and financial inducements within the overseas Chinese diaspora.

The book revisits Su Bin’s Boeing-theft case from Vancouver and a Toronto conduit for U.S. Tesla battery IP — both examples where Canadian enforcement followed only after U.S. intervention.

Su Bin — arrested in Richmond, B.C., in 2014 and later extradited — admitted conspiring with China-based accomplices tied to the People’s Liberation Army to hack major U.S. defense contractors for export-controlled data on flagship air programs, including Boeing’s C-17 Globemaster III and, by tasking, the F-22 and F-35 stealth fighters. He pleaded guilty in March 2016 and was sentenced to 46 months that July, with the plea acknowledging a years-long operation to steal sensitive military information and transmit it to China in violation of computer-intrusion and Arms Export Control statutes.

As former FBI agent Justin Vallese — cited by Molinaro — said after Su Bin’s conviction, he “didn’t know how many Su Bins there are.”

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