Connect with us

espionage

EXCLUSIVE: Alleged Chinese Spy in New York’s Cuomo and Hochul Administrations Barred From Using Seized Millions

Published

15 minute read

Sam Cooper's avatar Sam Cooper

A U.S. judge has rejected Linda Sun’s bid to access millions in frozen assets for her defense, siding with prosecutors who say she may be hiding additional financial reserves

A federal judge has ruled that Linda Sun — the senior New York government official accused of laundering proceeds from tens of millions of dollars in corrupt pandemic-era supply deals from China, while orchestrating a covert foreign influence campaign targeting two Democratic governors — cannot access millions in seized assets to fund her legal defense.

The ruling marks a major setback for Sun and her co-accused husband, Chris Hu, in a landmark national security case that federal prosecutors say blends elite political manipulation with transnational bribery, Chinese underground banking, and state-backed espionage and interference operations tied to Beijing’s United Front Work Department.

In a decision issued July 22, U.S. District Judge Brian Cogan found that Sun and Hu failed to meet even the minimal evidentiary threshold for a Monsanto hearing — a legal mechanism that allows defendants to unlock frozen assets if they can demonstrate no access to alternative funds. Cogan sided with the Department of Justice, which argued that the couple may be actively concealing substantial unrestrained assets, including income and equity tied to a lattice of nine business entities owned by Hu.

At least one of those ventures, a commercial real estate holding, was partially liquidated to fund more than $400,000 in legal fees. Others, including Leivine Wine & Spirits — a high-end Flushing boutique that FBI agents concluded could not be generating the massive bulk cash revenue it reported — allegedly handled more than $77,000 in unexplained monthly cash deposits even before the store formally opened.

The broader criminal case, as The Bureau previously reported, alleges that Linda Sun covertly acted as an undeclared foreign agent for the People’s Republic of China, advancing the CCP’s foreign policy objectives while enriching herself through corrupt contracting and laundering networks. She allegedly leveraged her role in New York’s diversity and inclusion bureaucracy to influence Governor Andrew Cuomo’s public messaging, including helping script his April 2020 tweet thanking the Chinese government for a donation of ventilators during the pandemic. Under Governor Kathy Hochul, prosecutors say, Sun’s actions became more brazen: arranging unauthorized proclamations in honor of PRC diplomats, suppressing mention of the Uyghur detention camps in official remarks, and preventing Taiwan’s representatives from gaining access to state officials.

Sun and Hu allegedly funneled at least $8 million in kickbacks — derived from over $30 million in fraudulent pandemic-era PPE contracts — into a personal laundering architecture involving real estate, luxury goods, and business accounts in Queens.

Sun — also known as Wen Sun, Linda Hu, and Ling Da Sun — and Hu deny all charges and have mounted an aggressive legal campaign characterized by multiple suppression motions, challenges to search warrants, and attempts to have the case dismissed.

These efforts have accompanied a steady stream of damaging disclosures from prosecutors, including search warrant returns detailing a trove of luxury property allegedly acquired with laundered foreign capital. Among the seized or restrained assets are a $3.6 million mansion in Manhasset, a $1.9 million condo in Honolulu’s Ala Moana district, and a $1.5 million Forest Hills rental property. Government filings also list a 2024 Ferrari Roma, a Mercedes SUV, and a Range Rover as seized vehicles — in addition to more than $200,000 in liquid cash and bank deposits, none of which, the court noted, were properly accounted for in the couple’s asset declarations. A Jeep Gladiator, not initially disclosed by the defendants, was later identified by the government as an additional unrestrained asset.

As the couple’s legal maneuvers multiplied — most of them, in the court’s view, lacking the substance to alter the case — their defense costs ballooned. In their Monsanto application, Sun and Hu portrayed themselves as effectively destitute and victims of court delays.

“The collective value of everything the government seized exceeds $7 million — and that effectively cut off Mr. Hu and Ms. Sun’s access to nearly every financial resource, making it challenging to continue to care and provide for their child, let alone pay their legal fees,” their motion argued.

“Those legal fees have inevitably climbed. Moreover, as a result of the government’s repeated delays and missteps in this action, Mr. Hu and Ms. Sun have been forced to file multiple motions and endured protracted proceedings.”

The 24-page filing also added vivid new detail to the government’s sweeping seizure operations, including countering suggestions that Sun’s parents were used not only as proxies for home purchases to disguise her money laundering payoffs from China, but also to hold personal assets and cash.

“During a search of Ms. Sun’s parents’ home, the government seized their life savings of $265,209, along with watches, jewelry, and other personal items that it has yet to return,” Sun’s Monsanto motion complains. “The government also seized $130,000 from Ms. Sun’s mother’s safety deposit box at TD Bank. To date, the government has not filed any charges against Ms. Sun’s parents or in connection with these items, nor has it included these items in any forfeiture allegations, making its continued restraint of such third-party property deeply troubling.”

The motion continued: “The only consistent source of funds that the couple previously did have—$4,800 per month in rental income from the Forest Hills Property—no longer exists. In light of Mr. Hu and Ms. Sun’s ongoing active efforts to sell the property, they are unable to rent it out. In sum, the couple is financially hamstrung.” Legal costs to date exceed $2 million, with an additional $1 million projected for November’s trial.

But Judge Cogan wasn’t moved by their claims of poverty. The Brooklyn judge found the couple’s filings omitted obvious holdings, provided vague and conclusory statements, and failed to identify how the pair had continued paying legal bills and living expenses. The court determined that Sun and Hu’s failure to declare a comprehensive list of assets was not accidental.

“This Court still does not have sufficient information to evaluate the extent of defendants’ unrestrained funds,” Cogan wrote.

The judge’s conclusion aligns with the Department of Justice’s assertion that Sun and Hu may still control millions in unreported funds.

Prosecutors revealed that beyond Hu’s nine business entities, the couple had liquidated at least $44,000 in bonds, still held over $90,000 in stock holdings, and were receiving loan proceeds and other unexplained capital transfers. The government also challenged the couple’s claim that they had been denied access to property sale proceeds.

In their Monsanto filing, the couple’s attorneys wrote: “With nearly every avenue to resources effectively extinguished by the government, Mr. Hu and Ms. Sun are now left with insufficient funds to finance their family’s monthly expenses, let alone their rising legal bills.” Their monthly costs reportedly exceed $20,000, covering property taxes, insurance, food, and childcare.

But the couple’s own legal framing may have inadvertently amplified the very financial allegations they are attempting to defeat. Central to their argument, Sun and Hu claimed their ability to retain legal counsel was crippled by disruptions to the same high-end Flushing liquor business that Hu had previously described as a bulk-cash-generating enterprise — a characterization investigators alleged was a cover for laundering illicit cash into business accounts.

Now, however, Hu claims his business depends on credit transactions.

“American Express has imposed a block on any payments made by customers using an American Express credit card at his liquor store,” the defense motion stated. “Shopify — the point-of-sale system previously utilized by his business for credit card processing — no longer allows Mr. Hu’s store to process credit cards through its system, which for a time hobbled the store’s operations.” The defense further asserted that a visible law enforcement presence near the storefront “chilled customers from entering the store and interacting with Mr. Hu, which has adversely affected sales.”

The case filings detail how Hu’s money laundering network allegedly relied on unlicensed Chinese remitters in Flushing.

Such Chinese cash brokers are part of a transnational system used to ferry capital from the PRC through underground banking corridors into American storefronts and property and banks, broader ongoing U.S. government investigations into Chinese crime networks have found.

Sun’s unsuccessful Monsanto motion also highlighted that one of their expensive failed legal efforts aimed to suppress a public comment by former Trump official Kash Patel, who described her as a Chinese agent embedded in the U.S. government and profiting from corrupt PPE contracts while frontline Americans went without protection.

“While Americans were locked down and desperate for PPE, Linda Sun and Chris Hu cashed in — allegedly lining their pockets while serving CCP interests,” Patel posted to X. “This is corruption that endangered lives.”

Although prosecutors did not cite Patel’s remarks, the defense argued the statement had unfairly prejudiced the case.

As previously reported by The Bureau, in a separate ruling denying Sun’s motions to dismiss the case and suppress evidence, Judge Cogan found ample support for the government’s allegation that Sun knowingly acted as an undeclared agent of the People’s Republic of China — in violation of U.S. laws requiring foreign agents to register.

In one WeChat exchange cited by the FBI, Sun reportedly told her parents that a Chinese contact known as “Chairman Xia” had upgraded her airline tickets. Prosecutors say she was hosted in a Beijing hotel suite previously occupied by former First Lady Michelle Obama. In the same thread, Sun acknowledged she expected to be asked for increasing “favors” by her handlers in return for their generosity — a detail prosecutors highlight as evidence of her witting entanglement in a covert foreign influence campaign.

The court cited Sun’s alleged role in arranging fraudulent invitation letters to support illegal visa entries for officials from China’s Henan province. The visit, pitched as part of a proposed $1 billion university partnership in New York, appeared to be a United Front cover operation aimed at expanding Beijing’s political and economic influence on U.S. soil.

According to government filings, Sun used her access not only to open doors for Chinese officials, but to close them to Beijing’s geopolitical rivals — especially Taiwan.

The indictment further alleges that even after receiving a warning from the FBI, Sun continued to act on behalf of PRC officials, including repeated efforts to shape New York State policy toward Taiwan and providing Chinese consular officials with advance access to internal government communications.

In early 2021, prosecutors say, Sun gave the Chinese consulate a draft of Governor Hochul’s public remarks, enabling Beijing to sanitize the language — including stripping any reference to politically sensitive topics such as the detention of Uyghurs in Xinjiang. “Based on feedback from a PRC government official, [Hochul] did not publicly address the detention of Uyghurs in PRC state-run camps in Xinjiang,” Judge Cogan noted, citing FBI evidence.

“These actions, as alleged, demonstrate Sun using her authority and power to induce action or change the decisions or acts of another,” Cogan wrote, concluding that they were “sufficient to constitute the ‘influence’ element of a FARA offense, even as Sun defines it.”

Finally, Judge Cogan emphasized that the indictment clearly supports the conclusion that Sun understood her alleged United Front handlers — CC-1 and CC-2 — were themselves agents of the Chinese government and Communist Party. As the indictment states: “Sun understood that CC-1 and CC-2 were themselves acting as agents of the PRC government and the CCP when they made requests of Sun.”

Todayville is a digital media and technology company. We profile unique stories and events in our community. Register and promote your community event for free.

Follow Author

espionage

Inside Xi’s Fifth Column: How Beijing Uses Gangsters to Wage Political Warfare in Taiwan — and the West

Published on

A new Jamestown Foundation report details how China’s Ministry of State Security and allied triads have been used to subvert Taiwan’s democracy as part of Beijing’s united front.

Editor’s Note

The Bureau has previously reported on how Chinese state-linked crime networks have exploited Canada’s real estate market, casinos, and diaspora associations, often under the cover of united front work. One of these groups, the Chinese Freemasons, has been linked to meetings with Canadian politicians, as reported by The Globe and Mail ahead of the 2025 federal election. The Globe noted that the Toronto chapter explicitly advocates for the “peaceful reunification of Taiwan.” The Jamestown Foundation’s new findings on groups active in Taiwan — including the Chinese Freemasons, also known as the Hongmen, the related Bamboo Union triad, and the China Unification Promotion Party (CUPP) — show that Taiwan is the epicenter of a strategy also visible, though less intensively, across democracies including the United States. The parallels — from Vancouver to Sydney to New York to Taipei — should alert governments that the “fifth column” problem is international, and it is growing.

TAIPEI — At a banquet in Shenzhen more than two decades ago, Chang An-lo — the Bamboo Union boss known as “Big Brother Chang” or “White Wolf” — raised a glass to one of the Communist Party’s princelings. His guest, Hu Shiying, was the son of Mao Zedong’s propaganda chief. “Big Brother Chang,” Hu reportedly toasted him, an episode highlighted in a new report from the Jamestown Foundation.

Hu would later be described by Australian journalist John Garnaut as an “old associate of Xi Jinping.” That link — through Hu and other princelings Chang claimed to have met — placed the Bamboo Union leader within the orbit of Party elites. Garnaut also reported that the Ministry of State Security (MSS) had used the Bamboo Union to channel lucrative opportunities to Taiwanese politicians. According to Jamestown researcher Martin Purbrick, a former Royal Hong Kong Police intelligence officer, such episodes show how the CCP has systematically co-opted Taiwanese organized crime as part of its united front strategy.

“The long history of links between the CCP and organized crime groups in Taiwan,” Purbrick writes, “shows that United Front strategy has embedded itself deeply into Taiwan’s political life.”

Chang’s global influence is not a relic of the past. The Bureau reported, drawing on leaked 1990s Canadian immigration records, that intelligence indicated Chang’s triad had effectively “purchased” the state of Belize, on Mexico’s southern border, for use in smuggling illegal immigrants into the United States. But Chang is more relevant than ever as fears of Beijing invading Taiwan grow. In August 2025, seated in his Taipei office before a PRC flag, he appeared on a YouTube program to deny he led any “fifth column.” Instead, he insisted Taiwan must “embrace” Beijing and cast himself as a “bridge for cross-strait peace.”

His denial came just months after Taiwan’s Ministry of Justice accused CUPP of acting as a political front for organized crime and foreign interference. Police suspected more than 130 members of crimes ranging from homicide to drug trafficking. Prosecutors charged CUPP operatives with taking $2.3 million from the CCP to fund propaganda. In January, the Ministry of the Interior moved to dissolve the party outright, submitting the case to Taiwan’s Constitutional Court. By March, a Kaohsiung court sentenced CUPP deputy secretary-general Wen Lung and two retired military officers for recruiting Taiwanese personnel on behalf of the PRC. According to court filings, Wen had been introduced by Chang to the Zhuhai Taiwan Affairs Office, which in turn connected him to a PLA liaison officer.

President Lai Ching-te, in a March national security address, warned that Beijing was attempting to “divide, destroy, and subvert us from within.” Intelligence assessments in Taipei describe the Bamboo Union and CUPP as part of a potential “fifth column,” prepared to foment unrest and manipulate opinion in the event of an invasion.

The historical record shows why Taipei is so concerned. Chang’s name has shadowed some of Taiwan’s darkest chapters. In the 1980s, he was suspected of involvement in the assassination of dissident writer Henry Liu in California. He was later convicted of heroin smuggling in the United States, serving ten years in prison. After returning to Taiwan, he fled again in 1996 when authorities sought his arrest, spending 17 years in Shenzhen. During those years, he cultivated ties with influential Party families. At the Shenzhen banquet, Washington Post journalist John Pomfret wrote, Hu Shiying introduced him as “Big Brother Chang,” signaling acceptance in elite circles. Garnaut, writing over a decade later, noted that Hu was an “old associate of Xi Jinping” and that Chang had moved comfortably among other princelings, including sons of a former CCP general secretary and a top revolutionary general.

These connections translated into political capital. When Chang returned to Taiwan in 2013, he launched the China Unification Promotion Party — a pro-Beijing group openly advocating “one country, two systems.” He declared his mission was to “cultivate red voters.” CUPP cadres and Bamboo Union affiliates became visible in street politics, clashing with independence activists and disrupting rallies. During U.S. Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s 2021 visit, they staged counter-protests echoing Beijing’s line.

The ideological warfare runs even deeper. A Phoenix TV segment from 2011 recalled how a Bamboo Union elder declared in 1981 that he “would rather the CCP rule Taiwan than have Taiwan taken away by Taiwan independents.” Chang himself has echoed this sentiment for decades. In 2005, he launched a Guangzhou-based group called the Defending China Alliance, later rebranded in Taipei as CUPP. His activism has spanned disruptive protests, nationalist rallies, and propaganda campaigns amplified through China-linked media channels.

Purbrick situates these developments within a wider united front playbook. Taiwanese triads and Chinese Freemason associations are courted as grassroots mobilizers, intermediaries, and psychological enforcers. A recent report from the Washington Post has also linked the Chinese Freemasons to the powerful 14K Triad, a global network deeply implicated in Chinese underground banking networks accused of laundering fentanyl proceeds for Mexican cartels through the United States. The triad–Hongmen nexus complements other CCP efforts: online influence campaigns, cultural outreach, and intelligence recruitment inside Taiwan’s military.

The implications extend beyond Taiwan. In Canada, Australia, the United States, Southeast Asia, and beyond, intelligence agencies have documented how PRC-linked triads launder drug profits, fund political donations, and intimidate diaspora critics. These groups benefit from tacit state protection: their criminality overlooked so long as they advance Beijing’s strategic objectives. It is hybrid warfare by stealth — not soldiers storming beaches, but criminal syndicates reshaping politics from within.

For Taiwan, the Bamboo Union and CUPP remain immediate threats. For other democracies, they serve as case studies of how united front tactics adapt across borders. President Lai’s warning that Beijing seeks to “create the illusion that China is governing Taiwan” resonates internationally.

Before leaving journalism to establish an advisory firm, John Garnaut himself became entangled in the political fallout of his reporting. He was sued by a Chinese-Australian real estate developer from Shenzhen, who had funneled large donations to Australian political parties. The developer, later publicly implicated in the case by an Australian lawmaker under parliamentary privilege, successfully sued Garnaut for defamation in 2019. Subsequent disclosures confirmed the tycoon’s implication in an FBI indictment involving United Nations influence schemes and notorious Chinese operative Patrick Ho, later linked to a Chinese oil conglomerate accused of targeting the Biden family in influence operations. Together, these episodes highlight the global reach of united front networks.

The Bureau is a reader-supported publication.

To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.

Subscribe to The Bureau

 

Continue Reading

Business

A Nation Built on Sand: How Canada Squanders Its Abundance

Published on

By Garry Clement

Columnist Garry Clement, former RCMP anti–money laundering expert, argues Canada’s leaders have built prosperity on sand — leaving the nation exposed to collapse unless urgent reforms are made.

Canada is celebrated abroad as a safe, prosperous, and open society. But beneath the surface, a far more precarious reality is taking shape. The pillars of our economy — land, real estate, natural resources, and immigration — have been left vulnerable to foreign manipulation, criminal exploitation, and political negligence. The result is what can only be described as a sandcastle economy — striking at first glance, but fragile. Like the parable of the house built on sand, it is a foundation vulnerable to give way when the storm comes.

Investigative journalist Sam Cooper has long warned that foreign capital and organized crime have deeply infiltrated Canada’s real estate market. On Prince Edward Island, the Bliss and Wisdom Buddhist group quietly acquired swaths of farmland and property, raising questions about how religious fronts with Chinese connections gained such leverage in a province with limited oversight. In Saskatchewan, Chinese investors have been buying up valuable farmland, raising alarms about food sovereignty and the lack of restrictions on foreign ownership of agricultural land. Meanwhile in British Columbia, governments continue to downplay or outright ignore the extent to which transnational money laundering has fueled a housing market now completely detached from local incomes.

All of this has unfolded against a backdrop of minimal transparency, weak beneficial ownership registries, and virtually no effective enforcement. The same blind spots that allowed casinos and luxury real estate in Vancouver to become laundromats for dirty money are now being replicated nationwide.

The most urgent threat tied to these financial blind spots is fentanyl. Canada has become one of the world’s top destinations for proceeds from synthetic drug trafficking — a crisis that has devastated families from coast to coast. Chinese triads, Mexican cartels, and local gangs launder profits through casinos, shell companies, and real estate deals. Yet federal legislation continues to lag behind, leaving law enforcement outgunned. Every toxic opioid death in Canada is not only a health tragedy, but also a reminder of how organized crime is exploiting our lax financial controls. While other countries have implemented tough anti-money laundering regimes, Canada remains dangerously complacent.

That same complacency extends to national security. Canada has repeatedly delayed designating Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terrorist organization, despite overwhelming evidence of its involvement in financing terrorism and conducting influence operations abroad. Our allies — including the United States — have acted. Canada, however, remains an outlier, seemingly unwilling to confront the risk of Iranian proxy activity operating in plain sight within our borders.

Immigration policy reveals similar weaknesses. Foreign students, particularly from India, have become central to the financial survival of colleges and universities. Yet a growing number are not here primarily to study. Instead, education visas have become a backdoor into Canada’s workforce, particularly in industries such as trucking. The tragic Humboldt Broncos bus crash in 2018 exposed gaps in training and licensing in the trucking sector. Since then, reports have continued to surface of foreign students entering the industry without adequate skills — a risk not only to public safety but to the integrity of our immigration system. Ottawa has failed to adequately regulate this pipeline, preferring instead to rely on the tuition dollars and temporary labour it generates.

Editor’s Note: Forthcoming Bureau investigations, citing U.S. government sources, question how widespread fraud and Indian transnational crime capture of Canada’s commercial trucking industry have fueled the flow of fentanyl, cocaine, and methamphetamine — turning the country into a weak link for its international allies.

The threads running through these crises are clear: willful blindness, weak laws, and short-term political expediency. Land and natural resources are being sold without regard for sovereignty. Real estate markets are distorted by laundered money. Organized crime groups funnel fentanyl profits into Canada with ease. The IRGC operates without effective restriction. And the education system is exploited as a labour channel, with little oversight. Canada is, in effect, trading away its long-term security for short-term economic gains.

Politicians, bureaucrats, and regulators too often dismiss warnings as alarmist or xenophobic, when in fact they reflect real risks to the stability of the country. A sandcastle can stand tall on the shore, admired in the moment, but everyone knows what comes next. Unless urgent steps are taken — enforcing transparency in land ownership, restricting foreign control of farmland and resources, tightening anti-money laundering measures, confronting hostile foreign actors, and restoring integrity to the education and immigration systems — collapse is inevitable.

The signs are already here: families priced out of homes, farmers squeezed out of land, fentanyl overdoses climbing, and a public losing faith in the fairness of the system. Canada prides itself on being open and inclusive. But openness without vigilance is vulnerability. Like unwise stewards, our leaders have been gifted with a land of overflowing abundance, and yet they have squandered its potential through short-sighted choices. That failure must be corrected — immediately and wisely — if the nation is to not only thrive, but survive.

The Bureau is a reader-supported publication.

To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.

Former senior RCMP officer Garry Clement consults with corporations on anti-money laundering, contributed to the Canadian academic text Dirty Money, and wrote Canada Under Siege, and Undercover, In the Shady World of Organized Crime and the RCMP

Continue Reading

Trending

X