This article supplied by Troy Media.

 By Marco Navarro-Genie 

The Emergencies Act proved how quickly bank accounts can be weaponized. Alberta must act now to protect its citizens.

When Eva Chipiuk (the Alberta lawyer who famously confronted former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s assertions at the Emergencies Act inquiry) found out her Royal Bank account was being shut down, it confirmed a chilling truth: those who challenge Ottawa are not safe from retribution.

Chipiuk committed no crime and was not charged with any offence. However, the Montreal-based Royal Bank refused to provide her services, citing an unspecified risk. The message is clear: if you challenge Ottawa, you may risk being treated as an economic non-person. This comes just months before Tamara Lich, an Alberta resident, is expected to be sentenced for standing up against COVID overreach.

The Alberta government cannot ignore these threats against its citizens. There is plenty Ottawa doesn’t like about Alberta and Albertans today. Given that, in a February 2022 Globe and Mail oped—written before he became prime minister—Mark Carney described civil protesters as “seditionists,” one doesn’t need much imagination to see how his government could treat Albertans who push for greater control over their future. The province must prepare now to shield its citizens from financial retaliation.

Albertans who think their money is safe if it’s parked at a credit union or ATB, instead of a chartered bank, are mistaken. It isn’t. Under the Criminal Code, the Proceeds of Crime (Money Laundering) and Terrorist Financing Act, and the Emergencies Act, Ottawa can force any “financial service provider”—including provincially regulated credit unions—to freeze accounts. For example, when Tamara Lich tried to open an account with ATB—Alberta’s Crown-owned financial institution—she was denied even an appointment.

Events such as these show that it doesn’t take a judge to determine you have run afoul of those laws—only a government that disagrees with you.

Alberta has the tools to defend its citizens, and it should use them. It should start by making ATB and its provincially regulated credit unions fortresses against politically motivated financial punishment. ATB, created in 1938 to shield farmers from the aggressive lending practices of Laurentian bankers, has a distinct status as an arm of the Alberta government.

That status can be leveraged today to keep Ottawa at bay by:

• Refocusing ATB on serving Albertans, not advancing trendy corporate agendas.
• Amending the ATB Financial Act to require judicial orders for any account freezes or closures, mandate public reporting of such actions, and enshrine political neutrality to ensure no Albertan is denied service for lawful political activity.
• Preparing to invoke the Sovereignty Act if Ottawa attempts another Emergencies Act-style move, instructing ATB and its credit unions to disregard unconstitutional federal orders unless validated by Alberta courts.
• Creating a Québec-style integrated financial regulator to oversee ATB and Alberta’s provincially regulated credit unions, insulating them from Ottawa’s reach.
• Exploring alternative payment systems to reduce reliance on Ottawa-controlled clearing mechanisms. Payments Canada—which Ottawa controls—could be used as a choke point against Alberta institutions. A provincial or private settlement system would blunt that weapon before it can be deployed.

Finally, Alberta should enact an Alberta Financial Rights Act guaranteeing that no one will be denied financial services and that no account can be frozen or closed without due process in open court.

Ottawa will not take this lying down. It can seek court injunctions, threaten ATB’s and our credit unions’ access to national payment systems, or pass legislation directly targeting provincial Crown corporations. Alberta must anticipate these moves now by drafting constitutional challenges, forging alliances with like-minded provinces, and building backup clearing systems.

When the federal government can freeze your account for giving $50 to the “wrong” cause, you are not a free citizen. You are a subject. The treatment of Tamara Lich and Eva Chipiuk’s debanking is a warning.

Alberta can either wait for the next wave of financial punishments to hit its citizens, or it can act decisively to make ATB and its provincially regulated credit unions fortresses that protect them. Premier Danielle Smith has a unique opportunity to put Alberta first again—and she should take it.

Marco Navarro-Genie is vice-president of research at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy and co-author, with Barry Cooper, of Canada’s COVID: The Story of a Pandemic Moral Panic (2023).

Troy Media empowers Canadian community news outlets by providing independent, insightful analysis and commentary. Our mission is to support local media in helping Canadians stay informed and engaged by delivering reliable content that strengthens community connections and deepens understanding across the country.

This article supplied by Troy Media.

 By Peggy Nash 

Ottawa’s interference in the Air Canada strike delayed a resolution. When it stepped aside, a deal quickly followed

When governments get out of the way, collective bargaining works—and the Air Canada flight attendants proved it by reaching a deal the moment
they were left to negotiate freely.

The strike by 10,000 flight attendants ended on Aug. 19 with a tentative agreement between their union, the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE), and the airline.

That only happened after the Canadian Industrial Relations Board, acting under the federal government, tried to force an end to the strike by ordering the employees back to work. The CIRB can suspend or limit strikes if it believes a labour dispute threatens public safety or the economy. In this case, it attempted to use that power to override the strike—a move workers strongly opposed.

Because Air Canada is federally regulated, labour disputes fall under federal labour law, not provincial. That gives Ottawa broader powers to intervene in disputes, including through back-to-work legislation or binding arbitration.

That legal context helps explain what happened next. The government’s attempted intervention failed. But when it stepped back and let both parties negotiate freely, a deal was reached within hours.

It was a swift and fair outcome—one that likely could have happened earlier if not for the looming threat of government interference.

Employers already hold most of the power. They decide when to invest, where to expand and who to hire or fire. They often benefit from institutional credibility and public sympathy. The only meaningful power workers have is the ability to bargain collectively, and, if necessary, to strike.

The Air Canada flight attendants—more than 70 per cent of whom are women— hadn’t been able to negotiate a proper contract in over a decade. Wages had fallen behind inflation, even as they were expected to live in some of the country’s most expensive cities. Many had less than five years’ seniority and were paid near-poverty wages. They also performed unpaid ground work before and after flights.

Their frustration translated into action. They were fighting for better pay and to be compensated for all the hours they worked. And they were united. Over 90 per cent of union members voted. Of those, 99.7 per cent backed the strike. The public supported them too.

Air Canada, however, appeared to be counting on the government to intervene—expecting Ottawa to force arbitration and deny workers a vote on their own contract.

That undermines the constitutional right to free collective bargaining and feeds growing frustration among workers as corporate profits soar while wages stagnate. Last year, Air Canada’s CEO earned $12 million while some staff struggled to make ends meet.

This kind of imbalance shows why collective bargaining rights matter. The system is meant to balance power—ensuring workers can negotiate fairly while employers continue to operate between contracts. That structure has mostly preserved labour peace in Canada.

But when government overrides that process, it invites disorder. In this case, it led to hundreds of thousands of delays for passengers, lost revenue and reputational damage, only for both sides to agree on terms they might have reached much earlier if the threat of interference hadn’t been on the table.

The outcome sets an important precedent. If major employers expect Ottawa to intervene every time a union takes job action, the right to strike becomes meaningless. And that weakens the bargaining power of workers across the country—not just in aviation.

CUPE flight attendants—and their union—deserve credit for standing up for their rights. In doing so, they rallied support across the labour movement.

The lesson is simple: when governments and corporations overreach, they risk losing control. But when workers stand together and fight for fairness, they can win.

Peggy Nash is the executive director of the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives.

Troy Media empowers Canadian community news outlets by providing independent, insightful analysis and commentary. Our mission is to support local media in helping Canadians stay informed and engaged by delivering reliable content that strengthens community connections and deepens understanding across the country.