Business
Cut corporate income taxes massively to increase growth, prosperity

From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy
By Ian Madsen
Business groups are justifiably opposed to the federal government’s June 25 increase of the inclusion rate for capital gains tax. But there is another corporate income tax increase looming. It will come in the form of a 2018 corporate tax reduction that is set to expire starting this year. Ottawa ironically intended it to make Canada more competitive amid the 2018 tax reform and cut in the United States.
According to a study by Trevor Tombe at the University of Calgary’s School of Public Policy, Canada’s corporate income tax rate on new investments will jump from 13.7 percent to 17 percent by 2027. Even worse, for Canada’s high-value-added manufacturing sector, taxation will triple. Higher corporate income taxes, in a nation experiencing difficulties in encouraging domestic or foreign investment in new plant equipment, will struggle to reverse meagre productivity growth—a problem noted by the Bank of Canada.
Heavier taxation will hinder future improvement in incomes and the standard of living, making it a serious issue. Increasing income tax on businesses and investment will not increase prosperity and personal income. The legislation to make the 2018 provisions permanent is, alarmingly, not urgent to politicians.
At least one policy could make Canada more attractive to business, investors, and hard-pressed ordinary citizens. It would be to slash corporate income taxes substantially. Another is to make paying taxes easier, as Magna Corporation founder Frank Stronach suggested. It may surprise some Canadians, but Ottawa’s take from corporate income taxes is a relatively small. However, it is a fast-rising proportion of federal overall revenue: 21 percent in fiscal 2022–23, according to the government, up from 13 percent in fiscal 2000–21, notes the OECD.
Letting companies pay taxes and reducing the tax burden on ordinary people might seem OK to some. However, what happens is that every corporate expense, including taxes, reduces cash flow that reaches individuals. The money remaining in the hands of businesses could either be reinvested or paid out as dividends to owners. Let’s remember that owners are founding families, pension fund beneficiaries (employees, citizens), and ordinary individuals.
As there are fewer available funds, there will be a reduced capacity for capital investment. Investment is required to replace existing equipment, or add new equipment, devices, software, and vehicles for businesses. It only keeps companies competitive and makes employees more productive. This, in turn, makes the whole economy more profitable, thereby increasing taxes paid to governments.
As for the questionable reason for the tax increase, aiming to generate more revenue, recent experience in the United States is informative. The 2017 Tax Cut and Jobs Act reduced corporate income tax from 39 percent of pre-tax income to 21 percent. It resulted in U.S. federal corporate income tax revenue rising 25 percent from 2017 to 2021. Capital investment rose dramatically too, by 20 percent, a key goal of many Canadian policymakers.
Until recently, the Republic of Ireland had a corporate income tax rate of 12.5 percent, a key selling point in its successful efforts to attract foreign investment over the past several decades. Ireland, with few natural resources, is one of the richest and fastest-growing of the OECD nations, despite a bad real estate crash 15 years ago. Near the lowest in the OECD in tax burden, it nevertheless has a high quality of life and services.
If anything, Canada should cut corporate income taxes to below the levels of its main trading partners and rivals. To do so, it will have to extricate itself from the ill-conceived international treaty that compels signatory nations and territories to have a floor rate of at least 15 percent of pre-tax income. Ottawa seems enamoured of multinational agreements and organizations, so it may be highly reluctant to abrogate membership in this growth-dampening arrangement. The statutory federal corporate income tax rate in Canada is 15 percent, but all provincial governments impose their own levies on top of that, ranging from 8 percent in Alberta to 16 percent in Prince Edward Island.
By cutting taxes, we can pave the way for a brighter economic future, marked by increased productivity and the prosperity we all yearn for. This move will also ensure our international competitiveness, a goal we are currently struggling to achieve with our current 25 percent rate (OECD). Canada has a hard time attracting investors. Raising taxes will neither attract more of them nor encourage more investment from existing Canada-domiciled entrepreneurs and companies.
Ian Madsen is senior policy analyst at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy.
Health
Canada surrenders control of future health crises to WHO with ‘pandemic agreement’: report

From LifeSiteNews
Canada’s top constitutional freedom group warned that government officials have “relinquished” control over “future health crises” by accepting the terms of the World Health Organization’s (WHO) revised International Health Regulations (IHR).
The warning came in a report released by the Justice Centre for Constitutional Freedoms (JCCF). The group said that Prime Minister Mark Carney’s acceptance earlier this year of the WHO’s globalist-minded “pandemic agreement” has “placed Canadian sovereignty on loan to an unelected international body.”
“By accepting the WHO’s revised IHR, the report explains, Canada has relinquished its own control over future health crises and instead has agreed to let the WHO determine when a ‘pandemic emergency’ exists and what Canada must do to respond to it, after which Canada must report back to the WHO,” the JCCF noted.
The report, titled Canada’s Surrender of Sovereignty: New WHO health regulations undermine Canadian democracy and Charter freedoms, was authored by Nigel Hannaford, a veteran journalist and researcher.
The WHO’s IHR amendments, which took effect on September 19, are “binding,” according to the organization.
As reported by LifeSiteNews, Canada’s government under Carney signed onto them in May.
Hannaford warned in his report that “(t)he WHO has no legal authority to impose orders on any country, nor does the WHO possess an army, police, or courts to enforce its orders or regulations.”
“Nevertheless, the WHO regards its own regulations as ‘an instrument of international law that is legally binding on 196 countries, including Canada” he wrote.
Hannaford noted that “Surrendering Canada’s sovereignty” to the IHR bodies is itself “contrary to the constitutional principle of democratic accountability, also found in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.”
“Canada’s health policies must reflect the needs, desires, and freedoms of Canadians – not the mandates of distant bureaucrats in Geneva or global elites in Davos. A free and democratic Canada requires vigilance and action on the part of Canadians. The time to act is now” he wrote.
Among the most criticized parts of the agreement is the affirmation that “the World Health Organization is the directing and coordinating authority on international health work, including on pandemic prevention, preparedness and response.”
While the agreement claims to uphold “the principle of the sovereignty of States in addressing public health matters,” it also calls for a globally unified response in the event of a pandemic, stating plainly that “(t)he Parties shall promote a One Health approach for pandemic prevention, preparedness and response.”
Constitutional lawyer Allison Pejovic noted that “(b)y treating WHO edicts as binding, the federal government has effectively placed Canadian sovereignty on loan to an unelected international body.”
“Such directives, if enforced, would likely violate Canadians’ Charter rights and freedoms,” she added.
Hannaford said that “Canada’s health policies must be made in Canada.”
“No free and democratic nation should outsource its emergency powers to unelected bureaucrats in Geneva,” he wrote.
The report warned that new IHR regulations could mandate that signatory nations impose strict health-related policies, such as vaccine mandates or lockdowns, with no “public accountability.”
“Once the WHO declares a ‘Pandemic Emergency,’ member states are obligated to implement such emergency measures ‘without delay’ for a minimum of three months,” the JCCF said.
“Canada should instead withdraw from the revised IHR, following the example of countries like Germany, Austria, Italy, the Czech Republic, and the United States,” the JCCF continued. “The report recommends continued international cooperation without surrendering control over domestic health policies.”
Earlier this year, Conservative MP Leslyn Lewis condemned the Liberal government for accepting the WHO’s IHR.
Business
“Modernization,” They Call It: How Ottawa Redefined Fraud as Progress

When 41% of contracts break their promises, the scandal isn’t the system, it’s the spin that keeps it alive.
The House of Commons Standing Committee on Government Operations and Estimates (OGGO) held an in-depth hearing on Tuesday examining federal contracting integrity and the growing problem of “bait and switch” tactics identified in government procurements.
Appearing before the committee were Procurement Ombudsman Alexander Jeglic and his Senior Risk Advisor, Kelly Kilrea, who briefed Members of Parliament on the findings of their office’s 2025 special report titled “Bait and Switch in Federal Contracting.” The study detailed how some companies have won multimillion-dollar federal contracts by proposing highly qualified personnel, only to replace them after the award with less experienced or lower-cost workers.
Over more than two hours of questioning, MPs from all major parties probed whether this pattern amounted to fraud, negligence, or systemic mismanagement within Public Services and Procurement Canada (PSPC) and other departments. The Ombudsman told MPs that, while not every case involved deliberate deceit, the practice was widespread and harmful, undermining competition and eroding public trust in how taxpayer funds are spent.
“When a supplier wins a contract based on the credentials of specific experts, and those experts never perform the work, that raises serious integrity concerns,” Jeglic said. “Even without intent to deceive, the result is that the government may not receive the value it contracted for.”
The OGGO committee launched this study to scrutinize both the Procurement Ombudsman’s mandate and the findings of his most recent review into staffing substitutions under federal professional services contracts — a longstanding issue that resurfaced during the ArriveCAN controversy.
The Bait and Switch report, released in early 2025, examined 17 federal procurement files across several departments and agencies. The review revealed that in 41 percent of cases, the individuals proposed in the winning bids did not end up performing any of the contracted work. In many instances, these replacements occurred without proper documentation or departmental justification.
The problem first came to light through the Ombudsman’s separate investigation into the federal government’s ArriveCAN application, where the same pattern appeared on an even larger scale. In that review, Jeglic found that 76 percent of personnel proposed in ArriveCAN-related contracts never actually worked on the project, a statistic he described as “shockingly high.”
These findings prompted the Ombudsman to launch a broader system-wide review of whether “bait and switch” staffing practices had become entrenched in the government’s procurement culture. The 2025 report defined the practice explicitly as a scenario in which:
“A supplier secures a federal contract by proposing named individuals with particular qualifications or experience, but after contract award, substitutes them for others with lesser qualifications, without appropriate authorization or justification.”
The report stopped short of labeling the issue as fraud, since establishing intent is outside the Ombudsman’s statutory authority. However, it warned that the recurring pattern “poses a significant risk to fairness, transparency, and value for money in federal procurement.”
Jeglic told the committee that the tools to prevent this behaviour, such as contractual clauses requiring prior approval for resource changes, already existed but were not being consistently applied or enforced across departments.
As the hearing unfolded, the room divided neatly along partisan lines. Conservatives pushed hardest on accountability and possible cover-ups; Bloc Québécois MPs drilled into transparency and budget failures; and Liberal members defended the department’s response and pressed for moderation.
Each exchange revealed a very different interpretation of what the Ombudsman’s “bait and switch” report really meant.
Opposition MPs Hammer Procurement
The opposition benches came armed with pointed questions — and a tone of disbelief — as members of the Conservative Party and Bloc Québécois used Tuesday’s OGGO hearing to expose what they called a culture of impunity inside Ottawa’s contracting system.
The target wasn’t just the bureaucrats. It was the entire structure that lets contractors quietly swap qualified experts for cheaper, inexperienced staff after the ink is dry — and a federal apparatus that, even after years of warnings, still can’t stop it.
Conservatives: “They Know They Can Get Away With It”
Conservative MP Jeremy Patzer led the charge. He zeroed in on the heart of the bait-and-switch problem — companies winning bids with top-tier résumés, then cutting corners once the contract is secured.
“They know they can do it, and they know they can get away with it,” Patzer said. “Even if it’s not overt fraud, it’s systemic.”
Patzer pressed Ombudsman Alexander Jeglic on why, after years of oversight reports, nothing seems to change. He pointed to Recommendation 2 of the report, which urged the government to require that any replacement personnel match or exceed the original qualifications.
Public Services and Procurement Canada (PSPC), he noted, disagreed with even that.
“Why would they push back on something that simple?” he asked.
Jeglic’s answer: the department didn’t reject the idea, only where it should be implemented. It wanted the rule in contract templates, not in the overarching master agreement.
That didn’t satisfy the Conservatives. To them, the details were bureaucratic cover. The point was accountability — and the lack of it.
Patzer pressed further: could Jeglic even declare a finding of fraud if he saw one?
“No,” the Ombudsman admitted. “If we identified possible fraud, it would go to the RCMP.”
The Conservative benches shook their heads. In other words, the watchdog can bark but can’t bite.
Later in the hearing, Patzer returned, arguing that when nearly half of all reviewed contracts fail to deliver the promised experts, “something in the system isn’t working.”
“Surely some of these come close to outright fraud,” he said.
Jeglic didn’t disagree. “That would be fair,” he said, explaining that while his office couldn’t prove intent, the red flags were clear.
Tamara Jansen: “Canadians Expect Honesty and They’re Not Getting It”
Conservative Tamara Jansen picked up where Patzer left off — with sharper language. She called the entire practice “outrageous,” saying Canadians expect that when the government signs a multi-million-dollar contract, it actually gets the experts it was promised.
“This is bait and switch, plain and simple,” she said. “It violates the trust of taxpayers.”
Jansen accused departments of replacing real accountability with “policy workarounds,” referring to PSPC’s decision to stop evaluating individual qualifications altogether and instead score bids based on a company’s corporate experience.
“So now we don’t even check who’s doing the work?” she asked. “How is that improving anything?”
Jeglic explained that the change shifted procurement from a task-based model — where individual expertise is evaluated — to a solutions-based model, which focuses on the company’s proposed outcome.
That didn’t calm Jansen.
“Canadians have seen what happens when contractors get too creative,” she shot back. “We get ballooning costs, missed deadlines, no accountability — and taxpayers footing the bill.”
Her tone captured what much of the opposition was thinking: this wasn’t a one-off. It was the same pattern that produced ArriveCAN — confusion, waste, and no one taking responsibility.
Harb Gill: “Who Told You to Delete It?”
Liberal ministers weren’t the only ones on the defensive. Conservative MP Harb Gill went straight for what he called “the censorship angle.”
He cited The Globe and Mail’s reporting that government officials had asked Jeglic to remove an entire section from the Bait and Switch report — specifically the part outlining the policy’s negative impacts on small and medium-sized businesses.
“Who asked you to take it out?” Gill demanded.
Jeglic confirmed that the request came from the department itself, formally and in writing.
“They believed it was speculative and out of scope,” he said. “We disagreed.”
Gill asked whether the Ombudsman had ever faced that before.
“It’s not common,” Jeglic admitted. “Departments often suggest revisions — but full redactions are rare.”
He added that his office refused to comply and instead published both the department’s objection and his own rebuttal — verbatim — in the final report.
That exchange crystallized the opposition’s broader complaint: the bureaucracy doesn’t want scrutiny. When oversight gets too close to home, the instinct is to redact, not reform.
Bloc Québécois: “No Guarantee of Value for Money”
From the Bloc, Marie-Hélène Gaudreau framed the problem differently — as a question of public trust and fiscal responsibility.
“Can we guarantee to Quebecers and Canadians that the government is getting value for its money?” she asked in French.
Jeglic’s response was blunt:
“There’s no guarantee.”
Gaudreau pressed him on whether his small, underfunded office — operating on the same budget for 17 years — could properly monitor billions in federal spending. Jeglic said no, acknowledging “deep frustration” over his inability to expand his team despite repeatedly requesting funds.
“We have works in the queue that cannot be pursued,” he said. “Everyone understands the need — but I’ve never been successful.”
For the Bloc, that failure wasn’t just bureaucratic, it was political. Ottawa was starving its own oversight office while spending tens of billions through opaque contracts.
Liberals Defend the Swamp and Call It “Progress”
When the opposition came armed with outrage, the Liberals countered with spin — recasting what the Ombudsman called “bait and switch” as modernization.
Liberal MP Vince Gasparro downplayed the findings, calling the use of subcontractors and resource swaps “a common practice” that should continue. He even pivoted to talking about artificial intelligence, suggesting AI could “modernize” procurement — a remarkable leap of faith given Ottawa’s recent tech debacles.
Pauline Racheford went further, calling the report “thorough” and even saying she enjoyed reading it. She objected to the term bait and switch itself, insisting she didn’t see deception. Jeglic politely reminded her the term was deliberate — after years of ignored warnings, it was meant to grab attention.
Finally, Jenna Sudds moved to clean up the record. She asked if it was improper for departments to request edits to the Ombudsman’s reports. Jeglic confirmed it wasn’t — though he noted PSPC had tried to delete a full section, which his office refused.
Through it all, the Liberal message was consistent: there’s no scandal, just “evolution.”
Don’t call it bait and switch call it modernization.
Don’t call it failure call it progress.
Final Thoughts
So which is it? Are they incompetent or something worse?
Because let’s be honest: what we just watched wasn’t accountability, it was choreography. The watchdog says the federal government awarded contracts based on résumés that turned out to be fiction — and the Liberals’ response? Relax, it’s modernization.
They didn’t deny it happened. They just changed the vocabulary.
“Bait and switch” becomes “solutions-based contracting.”
Fraud becomes “flexibility.”
Failure becomes “progress.”
And when the Ombudsman exposes it, they call that a “balanced report.”
This isn’t evolution. It’s evasion, the bureaucratic art of saying everything while admitting nothing. Ottawa has spent two decades building a system where no one is ever responsible for anything, and they’re proud of it.
And that’s not the worst part because here’s a government that claims to be obsessed with “cutting waste,” with “efficiency,” with “respecting taxpayers’ money.” But when the one man in Ottawa actually capable of finding the waste sits in front of them and says, we can’t do our job because you won’t fund us, they nod, thank him politely, and move on.
Alexander Jeglic didn’t sound like a man crying for a bigger office or fancier title. He sounded like a man trapped inside a machine that’s designed not to work. He’s reviewing billions of dollars in federal contracts every year—contracts the government can’t seem to manage—and his entire budget hasn’t gone up since 2008. Seventeen years of inflation, and zero increase. That’s not oversight. That’s sabotage.
He told MPs his office uncovered that in 41 percent of contracts, the people taxpayers were told were doing the work never did. Think about that. Four out of ten contracts you pay for aren’t being delivered by the people who won them. That’s not a rounding error. That’s systemic rot. And the department responsible didn’t just shrug it off—they tried to delete it from the report.
They wanted the section removed. Formally. In writing. Because it made them look bad. Jeglic refused. He published their demand right there in the report. That’s what real accountability looks like.
And what did the government do? Nothing. No apology. No investigation. No increase in resources to stop it from happening again. Instead, they changed the rules so they no longer have to count it. They call it “solutions‑based contracting.” Translation: don’t measure outcomes, just redefine success until failure disappears.
If this were merely incompetence, you could fix it with new people. But it’s not. It’s a system that rewards itself for not knowing. They spend billions through opaque networks of consultants and subcontractors, and when someone tries to trace where the money went, the funding dries up.
This government spends more on communications staff than the Ombudsman’s entire office budget. They have teams of people paid to tell you how transparent they are, and the one office that could prove it is being starved to death.
So no—this isn’t about efficiency. It’s about control. They don’t want the waste found because the waste is the system. It’s how friends get paid, how failures get buried, and how no one is ever accountable.
You can call that whatever you like. But when the watchdog’s leash keeps getting tighter while the thieves run free, you stop wondering whether it’s incompetence. Because by that point, you already know the answer.
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