Connect with us

Opinion

Could we defer this October 16, 2017 municipal election until 2019?

Published

4 minute read

What if we had an election and nobody showed up? With voter turn out deceasing, that may happen yet.
We will be having an election on October 16, 2017 and it does appear that it is quite plausible, all the incumbents may run again. There are no indications of any incumbents deciding not to run. Since incumbents have a great advantage, media coverage, name recognition, events, etc., it is quite possible that there may not see any differences on October 17, 2017.
There are a few new comers throwing their hats in the ring, but they are not offering much different, than what we have now. So why vote for a shadow when we can vote the real thing?
In 2010 incumbent Mayor Morris Flewelling won re-election beating Hilary Penko, a relative unknown newcomer, but only with 8,100 to her 6,219 votes. He still won but Hilary Penko, made it a race.
Will we have any semblance of a race in 2017, or should we defer it to 2019?
Why? There are several reasons. The 2019 games will be over in March, the Provincial election will be over in May, and the Federal election will be over in October.
The games would be the final hurrah for some incumbents. The Provincial election will see a united right wing party, and new candidates, with some being municipal incumbents. The Federal election will see at least 2 new leaders, anticipated retirement amongst Federal incumbents, and again a few candidates being municipal incumbents.
So it is possible that after many years the Mayor takes the next step and becomes the MP for Red Deer/Mountview, and a couple of councillors become MLAs, and another one or two just retire after the games. Then we should have our election, which we would have had if they not changed municipal terms to 4 years from 3 in 2013.
The Mayor vacates her seat to be an MP, thus creating a By-election. The result of the By-election a councillor becomes the Mayor forciing another By-election for a council seat. A School board trustee wins a seat on council forcing another by-election for a school board trustee.
So to avoid all these hypothetical by-elections let us hold our municipal elections after the other 2019 events. We could demand a commitment that they not vacate their seats for these reasons.
Another reason to hold off the election is our population. Red Deer did their annual census in 2016 and found that the city shrank in population by 975 residents. They decided not to have a census in 2017 because they needed growth to validate the expenditure, which was highly unlikely. They also deferred any annexation due to lack of growth. Currently there is speculation that the population is still in decline, and we will not know until the census in 2018.
If we had 2017 numbers that showed continued decline the incumbents would have to defend their past decisions that may have contributed to our decline and would have to offer plans to turn it around. Now they can use the Federal Census showing growth over a 5 year span.
If the choice is just between incumbents and their shadows, and no real discussion, debate or distinct proposals on important issues, then defer the election to 2019.
Maybe by then we would see real growth, and not be recognized for our high crime rate, poor air quality, and our discriminatory practices against residents living north of the river.
The Mayor faced a “challenger” in 2010, will there be any real challengers for any incumbent in 2017? I hope so or deferral would be my choice.
Time will only tell, it is still early.

Follow Author

Business

Canada’s economic performance cratered after Ottawa pivoted to the ‘green’ economy

Published on

From the Fraser Institute

By Jason Clemens and Jake Fuss

There are ostensibly two approaches to economic growth from a government policy perspective. The first is to create the best environment possible for entrepreneurs, business owners and investors by ensuring effective government that only does what’s needed, maintains competitive taxes and reasonable regulations. It doesn’t try to pick winners and losers but rather introduces policies to create a positive environment for all businesses to succeed.

The alternative is for the government to take an active role in picking winners and losers through taxes, spending and regulations. The idea here is that a government can promote certain companies and industries (as part of a larger “industrial policy”) better than allowing the market—that is, individual entrepreneurs, businesses and investors—to make those decisions.

It’s never purely one or the other but governments tend to generally favour one approach. The Trudeau era represented a marked break from the consensus that existed for more than two decades prior. Trudeau’s Ottawa introduced a series of tax measures, spending initiatives and regulations to actively constrain the traditional energy sector while promoting what the government termed the “green” economy.

The scope and cost of the policies introduced to actively pick winners and losers is hard to imagine given its breadth. Direct spending on the “green” economy by the federal government increased from $600 million the year before Trudeau took office (2014/15) to $23.0 billion last year (2024/25).

Ottawa introduced regulations to make it harder to build traditional energy projects (Bill C-69), banned tankers carrying Canadian oil from the northwest coast of British Columbia (Bill C-48), proposed an emissions cap on the oil and gas sector, cancelled pipeline developments, mandated almost all new vehicles sold in Canada to be zero-emission by 2035, imposed new homebuilding regulations for energy efficiency, changed fuel standards, and the list goes on and on.

Despite the mountain of federal spending and regulations, which were augmented by additional spending and regulations by various provincial governments, the Canadian economy has not been transformed over the last decade, but we have suffered marked economic costs.

Consider the share of the total economy in 2014 linked with the “green” sector, a term used by Statistics Canada in its measurement of economic output, was 3.1 per cent. In 2023, the green economy represented 3.6 per cent of the Canadian economy, not even a full one-percentage point increase despite the spending and regulating.

And Ottawa’s initiatives did not deliver the green jobs promised. From 2014 to 2023, only 68,000 jobs were created in the entire green sector, and the sector now represents less than 2 per cent of total employment.

Canada’s economic performance cratered in line with this new approach to economic growth. Simply put, rather than delivering the promised prosperity, it delivered economic stagnation. Consider that Canadian living standards, as measured by per-person GDP, were lower as of the second quarter of 2025 compared to six years ago. In other words, we’re poorer today than we were six years ago. In contrast, U.S. per-person GDP grew by 11.0 per cent during the same period.

Median wages (midpoint where half of individuals earn more, and half earn less) in every Canadian province are now lower than comparable median wages in every U.S. state. Read that again—our richest provinces now have lower median wages than the poorest U.S. states.

A significant part of the explanation for Canada’s poor performance is the collapse of private business investment. Simply put, businesses didn’t invest much in Canada, particularly when compared to the United States, and this was all pre-Trump tariffs. Canada’s fundamentals and the general business environment were simply not conducive to private-sector investment.

These results stand in stark contrast to the prosperity enjoyed by Canadians during the Chrétien to Harper years when the focus wasn’t on Ottawa picking winners and losers but rather trying to establish the most competitive environment possible to attract and retain entrepreneurs, businesses, investors and high-skilled professionals. The policies that dominated this period are the antithesis of those in place now: balanced budgets, smaller but more effective government spending, lower and competitive taxes, and smart regulations.

As the Carney government prepares to present its first budget to the Canadian people, many questions remain about whether there will be a genuine break from the policies of the Trudeau government or whether it will simply be the same old same old but dressed up in new language and fancy terms. History clearly tells us that when governments try to pick winners and losers, the strategy doesn’t lead to prosperity but rather stagnation. Let’s all hope our new prime minister knows his history and has learned its lessons.

Jason Clemens

Executive Vice President, Fraser Institute

Jake Fuss

Director, Fiscal Studies, Fraser Institute
Continue Reading

Business

Canadians paid $90 billion in government debt interest in 2024/25

Published on

From the Fraser Institute

By Jake Fuss, Tegan Hill and William Dunstan

Next week, the Carney government will table its long-awaited first budget. Earlier this year, Prime Minister Mark Carney launched a federal spending review to find $25 billion in savings by 2028. Even if the government meets this goal, it won’t be enough to eliminate the federal deficit—projected to reach as high as $92.2 billion in 2025/26—and start paying down debt. That means a substantial amount of taxpayer dollars will continue to flow towards federal debt interest payments, rather than programs and services or tax relief for Canadians.

When a government spends more than it raises in revenue and runs a budget deficit, it accumulates debt. As of 2024/25, the federal and provincial governments will have accumulated a total projected $2.3 trillion in combined net debt (total debt minus financial assets).

Of course, like households, governments must pay interest on their debt. According to our recent study, the provinces and federal government expect to spend a combined $92.5 billion on debt interest payments in 2024/25.

And like any government spending, taxpayers fund these debt interest payments. The difference is that instead of funding important programs, such as health care, these taxpayer dollars will finance government debt. This is the cost of deficit spending.

How much do Canadians pay each year in government debt interest costs? On a per-person basis, combined provincial and federal debt interest costs in 2024/25 are expected to range from $1,937 in Alberta to $3,432 in Newfoundland and Labrador. These figures represent provincial debt interest costs, plus the federal portion allocated to each province based on a five-year average (2020-2024) of their share of Canada’s population.

For perspective, it’s helpful to compare debt interest payments to other budget items. For instance, the federal government estimates that in 2024/25 it will spend more on debt interest costs ($53.8 billion) than on child-care benefits ($35.1 billion) or the Canada Health Transfer ($52.1 billion), which supports provincial health-care systems.

Provincial governments too spend more money on interest payments than on large programs. For example, in 2024/25, Ontario expects to spend more on debt interest payments ($15.2 billion) than on post-secondary education ($14.2 billion). That same year, British Columbia expects to spend more on debt interest payments ($4.4 billion) than on child welfare ($4.3 billion).

Unlike other forms of spending, governments cannot simply decide to spend less on debt interest payments in a given year. To lower their debt interest payments, governments must rein in spending and eliminate deficits so they can start to pay down debt.

Unfortunately, most governments in Canada are doing the opposite. All but one province (Saskatchewan) plans to run a deficit in 2025/26 while the federal deficit could exceed $90 billion.

To stop racking up debt, governments must balance their budgets. By spending less today, governments can ensure that a larger share of tax dollars go towards programs or tax relief to benefit Canadians rather than simply financing government debt.

 

Jake Fuss

Director, Fiscal Studies, Fraser Institute

Tegan Hill

Director, Alberta Policy, Fraser Institute

William Dunstan

Continue Reading

Trending

X