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Alberta

Chris Scott and Rebecca Ingram attempting Class Action Lawsuit against Province for COVID restrictions

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Could open the door for business owners across the province to seek damages for financial losses

News release regarding this class action lawsuit from Rath & Company

Rath & Company has launched a class action lawsuit against the Province of Alberta on behalf of business owners in Alberta who faced operational restrictions due to, now deemed illegal, Public Health Orders. This lawsuit follows the recent Ingram Decision by the Calgary Court of King’s Bench, which declared that all of Dr. Hinshaw’s Public Health Orders were ultra vires, in other words illegal or not lawfully enacted. The Ingram Decision has opened the door for affected business owners to seek damages for the financial losses incurred due to the restrictions imposed by these unlawful Public Health Orders.

The lawsuit names Rebecca Ingram and Chris Scott as representative plaintiffs who suffered significant financial harm due to Dr. Hinshaw’s Public Health Orders. On February 7, 2024, the parties attended their first case conference with Justice Feasby of the Court of King’s Bench of Alberta to establish the next steps. The lawyers for the Province of Alberta made it clear that they intend to oppose the class action certification. Premier Smith has yet to comment on the government opposition to compensate individual business owners impacted by Dr. Hinshaw’s unlawful Public Health Orders.

“This marks the first of many procedural and substantive steps. This is an important case about
government actions and overreach during a time when business owners were unlawfully mandated to close their businesses at moments notice. It will give Albertans the opportunity to hold the Alberta government accountable and seek fair compensation on behalf of the many businesses impacted by Deena Hinshaw’s many unlawful decisions,” said lead counsel Jeffrey Rath.

The class action represents all impacted Alberta business owners. If you have been adversely affected and wish to join this class action lawsuit, please register by completing the online form at Business Class Action – Rath&Company (rathandcompany.com). Should the Court grant permission for this action to proceed as a “Class Action” (also known as “Certification”), you may qualify as a class member whether or not you have registered.

“In what world is it fair for small business owners to bear the financial brunt for the benefit of the entire province? Our hope is that this lawsuit brings justice to the affected business owners who suffered significant hardship and losses without justification or consideration by the province’s harsh and unilateral actions,” Mr. Rath continued.

From Rath & Company

Business Class Action Update – October 1, 2021

The Certification Hearing scheduled with Justice Feasby will be available for online viewing. Below are the details you need to join the session:

Date and Time:

  • October 2 and 3, 2024, at 10:00 AM (Mountain Time, UTC-06:00)

Join Online:

Join by Phone:

  • Dial-In Number: +1-780-851-3573 (Canada Toll – Edmonton)
  • Access Code: 277 254 26969

PLEASE NOTE – Recording or rebroadcasting of this hearing is strictly prohibited.

Documents related to this matter that have been filed to date are available for viewing online – see links BELOW.

We encourage all interested parties to observe the proceedings.

Summary of the Covid Business Restrictions Class Action Lawsuit

Rath & Company has commenced a Class Action lawsuit against the provincial government of Alberta on behalf of business owners who faced operational restrictions due to Public Health Orders during the COVID-19 pandemic. This lawsuit aims to secure financial compensation for businesses in Alberta that were either fully or partially restricted by these health orders.

The legal foundation of this case is anchored in the recent Ingram decision by the Calgary Court of King’s Bench, which determined that the Public Health Orders were not enacted lawfully.

The primary plaintiffs in this lawsuit are two Alberta business owners who suffered considerable financial losses due to the imposed Public Health Orders.

This legal action represents an opportunity for business owners who were operational in Alberta from 2020 to 2022 and were impacted by these health directives.

If you are among those affected and are interested in joining this class action lawsuit as a member of the group, we invite you to register with us. To do so, please complete our intake form.

This is an intake form for use by our legal team. Information provided in this form will be used to assist us in moving the Class Action case forward.

If the Court permits the action to proceed as a “Class Action” (this is called “Certification”), you may be a Class Member. You will receive a notice if the action is Certified that will explain your rights as a Class Member.

Please Complete this Form to the best of your ability and it will be sent directly to: [email protected]

 

To Review the Class Action Documents Click Here:

  • Notice of Application
  • Business Class Action Statement of Claim
  • Business Class Action Plaintiffs Brief
  • Business Class Action Provinces Brief
  • Business Class Action Plaintiffs Reply
  • Affidavit of Rebecca Ingram
  • Affidavit of Christopher Scott
  • Affidavit of Dana Hogemann – Senior
  • Assistant Deputy Minister, Treasury Board Secretariat
  • Affidavit of Andy Ridge – Incident Commander of the Emergency Operations Centre with the Ministry of Health
  • Affidavit and Expert Report of Randy Popik – Chartered Accountant at Kingston Ross Pasnak LLP
  • Affidavit and Expert Report of Christopher Cotton – Professor of Economics at Queen’s University
  • Scott Transcript
  • Ridge Undertaking
  • Ridge Transcript
  • Cotton Undertaking
  • Cotton Transcript
  • Popik Undertaking
  • Popik Transcript
  • Ingram Transcript
  • Eberle-Morris Transcript
  • Hogemann Transcript
  •  Ingram Decision

Covid Business Losses Class Action Intake Form

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Thank you for your participation. Your assistance is greatly appreciated.

Business Class Action Update – October 1, 2024

The Certification Hearing scheduled with Justice Feasby will be available for online viewing. Below are the details you need to join the session:

Date and Time:

  • October 2 and 3, 2024, at 10:00 AM (Mountain Time, UTC-06:00)

Join Online:

Join by Phone:

  • Dial-In Number: +1-780-851-3573 (Canada Toll – Edmonton)
  • Access Code: 277 254 26969

PLEASE NOTE – Recording or rebroadcasting of this hearing is strictly prohibited.

Business Class Action Update – June 21, 2024

The government of Alberta has taken the position of opposing the certification of our proposed class action. As a result, we must go to court to get the lawsuit “certified” as a class action – this is known as the certification hearing.

The certification hearing is scheduled for October 2 and 3, 2024, before Justice Feasby. The following schedule has been agreed to leading up to the certification hearing:

We have uploaded the Plaintiffs Notice of Application and evidence in support as well as the government of Alberta’s evidence on our website. Specifically, on the website you can now find the:

Frequently Asked Questions

What is a Class Action Lawsuit?
A class action lawsuit is a legal action where a group of people collectively brings a claim to court. This type of lawsuit is distinct from individual cases, as it represents the interests and seeks compensation for a class of people who have been affected by similar acts of negligence or harmful practices. Class-action suits provide a more comprehensive approach to addressing widespread issues, allowing for a collective voice in legal proceedings. These lawsuits can be instrumental in achieving justice for a larger group and can potentially set precedents for future legal and protective standards.
What is certification?

The court must first assess whether the claim should be advanced in the form of a class action. The court will consider whether the claim shows an appropriate cause of action, an identifiable class of persons, and issues that are shared in common. The court will also determine whether a class action is a preferable procedure, and whether there is an appropriate representative plaintiff. If the class action is certified by the court, the representative plaintiff or plaintiffs will advance the case on behalf of all class members.

Am I a class member?

When a class action is certified, a definition of the class is provided. If you are an individual class member meeting the class description, then you do not need to sign up to be part of the class action – you are automatically included.

If you owned or operated a business in Alberta from 2020-2022 and wish to register with us as a member of the group, please fill out the intake form.
Do I have to pay to be part of the class action?
No. This class action will proceed on a contingency fee basis.  This means that the lawyers bringing the action will only be paid if the class action succeeds. If successful, the lawyers will be paid a portion of the settlement or judgment, but only if the Court approves.

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Alberta

Good Sense Beats Team Canada’s Hysteria

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In the tariff crisis of 2025, Canada tested its mettle, and the result was revealing. At the center stood Premier Danielle Smith, who chose steady, substantive leadership over juvenile posturing and theatrical bravado. Ottawa’s Prime Minister Mark Carney and Alberta NDP leader Naheed Nenshi indulged in overly-inflated martial rhetoric and fear-driven posturing.

Carney’s tactics have failed to secure any meaningful results, and he now proposes to do what Premier Smith was doing from the start. My purpose is not to flatter Alberta’s premier, but to show the self-serving strategy and base tactics of those who attacked her.

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In short, given the state manipulation of media and the self-inflicted amnesia of the age, I would like to document some of what the progressive politicians wanted to do, and what they said, to remind us of the shallow leadership in the country, and to say what the mainstream media isn’t going to say. Danielle Smith’s calm, clear-eyed approach was prudent leadership. The rest was a useless political spectacle geared exclusively to improve the electoral fortunes of the ruling Party in Ottawa. The strategy was devised to serve the interests of the federal Liberal Party, not the interests of Canadians.

When the Storm Hit: Carney’s Rhetoric Without Results

The shock arrived in January, though the first stab was delivered to Justin the previous Fall when he visited Trump in Mar-a-Lago on November 29th. Donald Trump, newly back in the White House, announced a raft of tariffs on Canadian steel and aluminum and threatened levies on agriculture and energy-related products. The move struck at the very architecture of the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA), the framework meant to stabilize continental trade. Canada sends three-quarters of its exports to the United States; the relationship is not optional or trivial; it is crucial. This dependency deepened during the Trudeau years, notably in his refusal to approve infrastructure for selling Canadian energy overseas and in declining pleas from Europeans to sell them natural gas. Ottawa likes to talk about diversification, but when three in four dollars of export income depend on one customer, the arithmetic speaks for itself.

Carney, still in the honeymoon phase of his premiership, treated the shock as an opportunity to prove his campaign rhetoric. During debates, he had cast himself as the lone Canadian able to face down Trump, a Trump-whisperer of sorts, boasting of his international experience as governor of the Bank of England and promising to “crush” the Americans in trade negotiations. When the cameras turned to him, he reached for the hyperbolic language of battle.

On March 27, 2025, Prime Minister Carney told reporters: “Nothing is off the table regarding possible countermeasures.” Carney declared on that same day that “the era of close economic integration and security cooperation with the United States is over,” following an announcement of sweeping U.S. auto tariffs. This was a radical policy shift in the history of the country, an announcement made without any debate in the public square or in Parliament. The longstanding Canada–U.S. partnership built on deep integration was no longer intact, and there would be “no turning back” from this shift. Many chose to celebrate this announcement without considering the consequences.

Four days later, on March 31, Carney expanded the message in a more impassioned speech: “We won’t back down. We will respond forcefully. Nothing is off the table to defend our workers and our country.” The environmentalist woke banker was now the defender of Canada’s working class, the same working class he declared seditious for questioning government policy during the truckers’ protest.

The language was now definitive, dramatic, and even intoxicating to some Canadians. Ottawa reporters applauded the elbows-up posture. But it was rhetoric without a plan.

Danielle Smith’s Steady Course: Strategy Over Spectacle

Smith’s view of the crisis was rooted not in theatre but in facts. Alberta exports over 3.3 million barrels of oil a day to the United States. That crude feeds refineries in the Midwest and the Gulf Coast, which in turn supply gasoline and diesel back into Canadian markets. Oil is not simply Alberta’s business; it is the circulatory system of the North American economy. To threaten to cut it off would be to shoot ourselves in the leg to prove a point.

Smith said as much at press conferences in mid-January. She warned that if Ottawa tried to embargo energy exports as retaliation, the fallout would be national: “Refineries in Ontario and Quebec, industries across the country, all depend on Alberta’s oil. Empty threats may make headlines, but they won’t keep Canadians working.”

She was clear that oil must not become a weapon. She was also pointing out the crucial strategic reality that, citing oil flows to the US, one would have to cut oil flows to Eastern Canadian markets from Alberta, an absurd way to hurt Canada’s largest market for the sake of hurting Americans. Who negotiates by putting a loaded weapon to their own head?

If Trump was enlisting chaos, Danielle Smith understood that bringing more chaos into the equation would only serve the interests of those weaponizing chaos: “Our energy exports are a source of stability, not leverage.”

Smith’s rationale ran deeper than provincial parochialism; it rested on the realistic understanding that energy flows sustain industries coast-to-coast. Instead of using oil as a cudgel, she pressed for engagement. Her trip to Mar-a-Lago, facilitated by Kevin O’Leary, was ridiculed by critics as social climbing. But Smith’s purpose was straightforward: to remind Trump and his circle that Alberta’s oil kept America’s economy moving, and that undermining that relationship would hurt both sides.

It was not glamorous politics. It did not satisfy the simplistic appetite for “elbows up” or the primal need to see Canada throw punches. But it was prudent. It sought to preserve what mattered most: stability, credibility, and the livelihoods tied to cross-border trade.

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Nenshi’s Alarmism: From Existential Threats to Boycott Appeal

But not all Alberta politicians are endowed with the common sense and good judgment that Premier Smith showed in this trade conflict with the US. If Carney set the hyperbolic tone in Ottawa, Naheed Nenshi amplified it from Edmonton. His rhetoric soared to near-apocalyptic levels when he told reporters the US tariffs represented the possibility of demise: “These tariffs are an existential threat to Canada’s economy and way of life.”

Such language is typically reserved for nuclear war or famine, not tariff skirmishes. Nenshi displayed no understanding of how Canadian tariffs on the US would hurt Canadian workers the most. By invoking existential peril, Nenshi helped to transform a serious but manageable dispute into an exaggerated drama of survival. The effect was to raise anxiety, to send his constituents into spastic bouts, but not to offer solutions.

In his typical boisterous way, He went further in mocking Smith personally about the premier’s Mar-a-Lago outreach: “It was just a balls-and-parties tour.”

This was not a critique; it was juvenile taunting. It sought only to diminish Smith by ridicule. Beyond that, he urged Albertans to “buy Canadian-made goods” in defiance of “American economic aggression.” This had populist resonance—shop patriotically, hurt the Americans where it counts. But its undertone was darker. It cast American producers as enemies rather than partners, sliding toward the kind of cultural hostility that corrodes continental goodwill. That, and the fact that it is the wrong strategy: Canada can never become wealthier and better only consuming what it produces.

Together with Carney and others, Nenshi’s words painted a picture of politics as theatre: existential peril, carnival mockery, economic nationalism. It was louder than Smith’s steady counsel, but it was also shallower. What it offered in emotional release, it lacked in constructive substance.

Lukaszuk’s Overheated Rebuke: “Shameful” and “Without Shame”

Thomas Lukaszuk, Alberta’s deputy premier in the most corrupt government in Alberta’s history, joined the chorus with his own brand of vitriol. He lambasted Smith’s Mar-a-Lago trip as deceitful: “Ms. Smith is without shame… it was probably inevitable she would show up at the side of Mr. Trump.”

He accused her of disguising the visit as a private vacation, calling it “shameful” and suggesting it was “perhaps an intentional attempt to deceive.” He demanded transparency: if she met with Trump and O’Leary, why was it not cleared with federal or provincial officials?

Lukaszuk’s barbs were not a critique of trade policy; they were an indictment of Smith’s character, almost suggesting Smith was treasonous. By casting her outreach as dishonesty, he implied she was not merely mistaken but disloyal. The attack was moralistic, not analytic. And it was hyperbolic: to suggest that a premier speaking to a U.S. president about Alberta’s energy could be “without shame” is to invert priorities and to show a warped understanding of political activity from executive places. Where Smith sought stability, Lukaszuk indulged outrage. Where she made arguments, he delivered invective. Smith prevailed.

The Federal Failure: Loud Words, No Leverage

The accurate measure of Ottawa’s approach lies in the success of its outcomes. In January, Carney promised “maximum impact” and “nothing off the table.” By March, the Americans had not budged. By summer, Carney was already preparing to climb down.

On August 22, 2025, during a press conference announcing a rollback of Canada’s retaliatory tariffs, Carney said: “Canada and the U.S. have now re-established free trade for the vast majority of our goods.”

The announcement was spun as a win—“we have restored free trade for the vast majority of goods.” But in fact, it was a concession. Trump had not withdrawn his supposedly existence-threatening tariffs. But Canada had withdrawn its retaliation. Ottawa had failed to secure a deal. The country was left where Smith had said it should remain: keep the arteries of trade open, defend a few vital sectors, and avoid damaging our own consumers.

The gap between promise and performance was humiliating. Carney had campaigned as the expert negotiator who alone could handle Trump. He had threatened “crush force” against the Americans, to deliver maximum pain. In the end, he managed a quiet surrender, hoping Canadians would mistake retreat for strategy. Trump, for his part, gloated. Canada, he said, had “come to its senses.” He took credit for Carney’s electoral success. The bluster of winter had dissolved into a whimper by summer.

Prime Minister Carney now claims he obtained the best deal of any country for Canada, but that is not true. Canada has exactly what Mexico has, except that Canada’s oil has a lower US tariff rate imposed because Danielle Smith negotiated it.

Who Showed Judgment

Strip away the noise, and the contrast is stark. Danielle Smith, much maligned, displayed judgment. She prioritized stability, preserved Alberta’s interests, and in doing so also sought to protect the national interest. She spoke frankly about the costs of empty, performative retaliation to the national economy. From the start, she cautioned against “empty threats.” She argued that weaponizing oil would trigger a unity crisis. She maintained that the priority was to keep trade stable, not to win headlines with elbows-up theatrics. Ottawa mocked her, pundits accused her of sabotage, Nenshi ridiculed her as unserious, and Lukaszuk branded her “shameful.” Yet months later, Ottawa adopted precisely the framework she had outlined.

Carney offered bluster, then quietly retreated. Nenshi offered mockery and alarms. Lukaszuk offered moral outrage. All three contributed to a theatre of hysteria that eroded Canada’s credibility abroad and coarsened discourse at home in ways that are damaging to the political fabric of the Canadian community.

Smith showed an understanding of how present action shapes future positions. Standing against the tide, she offered thoughtful solutions. Not loud, not glamorous—but steady, serious, and correct. She was punished for exposing the nonsensical nature of their exaggerated position. And in that punishment lies her vindication.

A Debt of Apology

What Alberta and its premier received instead was abuse. Smith was called a traitor, accused of siding with Trump, and branded “shameful.” People took to social media to insult Albertans, suggesting that it was no surprise the premier was a traitor because Albertans are traitors. She was ridiculed for rationally trying diplomacy. The verdict of hindsight is plain: it is Ottawa and its allies who owe Albertans an apology. NDP leaders like Lukaszuk and Nenshi should also apologize to the premier.

An apology, not because Smith needs it personally, but because Canadians should demand politics grounded in sound judgment, not hysteria. They deserve leaders who resist fearmongering, not indulge it. They deserve leadership that unites people, not divides them. They deserve policies that promote friendship with neighbouring nations, not encourage atavistic hatreds. They deserve debate that clarifies, not insults.

Premier Danielle Smith was right. The others were loud. And when the record is written, it will not be the theatre that matters, but the steadiness that kept Alberta and Canada from greater harm.

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Alberta

Natural gas connection to breathe new life into former Alberta ghost town

Published on

From the Canadian Energy Centre

By Cody Ciona

Nordegg looks forward to lower energy costs and improved reliability

More than a century after its founding, the former ghost town of Nordegg, Alta. is getting natural gas service, promising lower costs and more reliable energy for homes and businesses.

“Natural gas will be a huge game changer, especially for commercial use,” said Clearwater County Reeve Michelle Swanson.

The former coal mining town is no stranger to cold winters. During Alberta’s cold snap in January 2024, the hamlet broke its cold weather record reaching a bone chilling -45.8 degrees Celsius.

In the 1920s, Nordegg — tucked into the foothills of the Rockies about two hours west of Red Deer — was home to Alberta’s most productive coal mine, a fuel supply primarily for steam locomotives.

But demand declined following the Leduc No. 1 oil discovery in 1947, and the mine closed in 1955.

The population dwindled from a peak of nearly 3,000 people to as few as 27 at one point, said Swanson.

Today, about 90 people call the hamlet home, and the future is looking brighter.

“We’re slowly building up. We have more full time residents. We have businesses that are looking to locate there, a couple hotels. Tourism is the area’s primary industry,” Swanson said.

By adding access to natural gas and installing new fibre optic internet, Nordegg will be able to sustain new growth and attract development, she said.

In July, the Alberta government announced $2.5 million in funding to help build an 11-kilometre pipeline connecting the hamlet to a nearby gas plant. The $8-million project is also funded by the county and the Rocky Gas Co-Op.

With the new gas connection, residents could save up to 25 per cent on their utility bills, according to the province.

Swanson said that right now people in Nordegg get their energy from electricity, wood and propane.

“Electricity is the primary heat source, and your secondary is wood stoves and most of the businesses are also running off propane, because of the costs of electricity,” she said.

The biggest benefit of connecting to natural gas is reliability, she said.

“Number one is having the predictability that gas provides. It is going to be there on time. Propane, I mean, you can run out,” Swanson said.

Safety is another big factor in a region that can be prone to wildfires.

“I know our firefighters were worried that a wildfire could set off a lot of propane explosions, and that’s not helpful,” she said.

“At the end of the day to me, it’s all about the fact that you’re creating a safer community, and you’re having a more predictable fuel source.”

Pipeline construction began in February and is targeted for completion this fall.

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