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Carney poised to dethrone Trudeau as biggest spender in Canadian history

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From the Fraser Institute

By Jake Fuss

The Liberals won the federal election partly due to the perception that Prime Minister Mark Carney will move his government back to the political centre and be more responsible with taxpayer dollars. But in fact, according to Carney’s fiscal plan, he doesn’t think Justin Trudeau was spending and borrowing enough.

To recap, the Trudeau government recorded 10 consecutive budget deficits, racked up $1.1 trillion in debt, recorded the six highest spending years (per person, adjusted for inflation) in Canadian history from 2018 to 2023, and last fall projected large deficits (and $400 billion in additional debt) over the next four years including a $42.2 billion deficit this fiscal year.

By contrast, under Carney’s plan, this year’s deficit will increase to a projected $62.4 billion while the combined deficits over the subsequent three years will be $67.7 billion higher than under Trudeau’s plan.

Consequently, the federal debt, and debt interest costs, will rise sharply. Under Trudeau’s plan, federal debt interest would have reached a projected $66.3 billion in 2028/29 compared to $68.7 billion under the new Carney plan. That’s roughly equivalent to what the government will spend on employment insurance (EI), the Canada Child Benefit and $10-a-day daycare combined. More taxpayer dollars will be diverted away from programs and services and towards servicing the debt.

Clearly, Carney plans to be a bigger spender than Justin Trudeau—who was the biggest spender in Canadian history.

On the campaign trail, Carney was creative in attempting to sell this as a responsible fiscal plan. For example, he split operating and capital spending into two separate budgets. According to his plan’s projections, the Carney government will balance the operating budget—which includes bureaucrat salaries, cash transfers (e.g. health-care funding) and benefits (e.g. Old Age Security)—by 2028/29, while borrowing huge sums to substantially increase capital spending, defined by Carney as anything that builds an asset. This is sleight-of-hand budgeting. Tell the audience to look somewhere—in this case, the operating budget—so it ignores what’s happening in the capital budget.

It’s also far from certain Carney will actually balance the operating budget. He’s banking on finding a mysterious $28.0 billion in savings from “increased government productivity.” His plan to use artificial intelligence and amalgamate service delivery will not magically deliver these savings. He’s already said no to cutting the bureaucracy or reducing any cash transfers to the provinces or individuals. With such a large chunk of spending exempt from review, it’s very difficult to see how meaningful cost savings will materialize.

And there’s no plan to pay for Carney’s spending explosion. Due to rising deficits and debt, the bill will come due later and younger generations of Canadians will bear this burden through higher taxes and/or fewer services.

Finally, there’s an obvious parallel between Carney and Trudeau on the inventive language used to justify more spending. According to Carney, his plan is not increasing spending but rather “investing” in the economy. Thus his campaign slogan “Spend less, invest more.” This wording is eerily similar to the 2015 and 2019 Trudeau election platforms, which claimed all new spending measures were merely “investments” that would increase economic growth. Regardless of the phrasing, Carney’s spending increases will produce the same results as under Trudeau—federal finances will continue to deteriorate without any improvement in economic growth. Canadian living standards (measured by per-person GDP) are lower today than they were seven years ago despite a massive increase in federal “investment” during the Trudeau years. Yet Carney, not content to double down on this failed approach, plans to accelerate it.

The numbers don’t lie; Carney’s fiscal plan includes more spending and borrowing than Trudeau’s plan. This will be a fiscal and economic disaster with Canadians paying the price.

Jake Fuss

Director, Fiscal Studies, Fraser Institute

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Rhetoric—not evidence—continues to dominate climate debate and policy

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From the Fraser Institute

By Kenneth P. Green

Myths, fallacies and ideological rhetoric continue to dominate the climate policy discussion, leading to costly and ineffective government policies,
according to a new study published today by the Fraser Institute, an independent, nonpartisan Canadian public policy think-tank.

“When considering climate policies, it’s important to understand what the science and analysis actually show instead of what the climate alarmists believe to be true,” said Kenneth P. Green, Fraser Institute senior fellow and author of Four Climate Fallacies.

The study dispels several myths about climate change and popular—but ineffective—emission reduction policies, specifically:

• Capitalism causes climate change: In fact, according to several environment/climate indices and the Fraser Institute’s annual Economic Freedom of the World Index, the more economically free a country is, the more effective it is at protecting its environment and combatting climate change.

• Even small-emitting countries can do their part to fight climate change: Even if Canada reduced its greenhouse gas emissions to zero, there would be
little to no measurable impact in global emissions, and it distracts people from the main drivers of emissions, which are China, India and the developing
world.

• Vehicle electrification will reduce climate risk and clean the air: Research has shown that while EVs can reduce GHG emissions when powered with
low-GHG energy, they often are not, and further, have offsetting environmental harms, reducing net environmental/climate benefits.

• Carbon capture and storage is a viable strategy to combat climate change: While effective at a small scale, the benefits of carbon capture and
storage to reduce global greenhouse gas emissions on a massive scale are limited and questionable.

“Citizens and their governments around the world need to be guided by scientific evidence when it comes to what climate policies make the most sense,” Green said.

“Unfortunately, the climate policy debate is too often dominated by myths, fallacies and false claims by activists and alarmists, with costly and ineffective results.”

Four Climate Fallacies

  • This study examines four climate narratives circulating in public discourse regarding climate change.
  • Fallacy 1: Climate Change Is Caused by Capitalism. As we will observe, this is backward: the more capitalist a country is, the more effective it is at protecting its environment and combatting climate change.
  • Fallacy 2: Even Small-Emitting Countries Can Do Their Part to Fight Climate Change. Again, in reality, even a casual inspection of the emission trends and projections of large-emitting countries such as China would reveal that for small-emitting countries like Canada, even driving their greenhouse gas emissions to zero would have no measurable impact in reducing climate risk.
  • Fallacy 3: Vehicle Electrification Will Reduce Climate Risk and Clean the Air. However, when looking beyond the hype, it becomes evident that vehicle electrification presents an array of climate and environmental benefits and harms that extend beyond climate change.
  • Fallacy 4: Carbon Capture and Storage Is a Viable Strategy to Combat Climate Change. This fallacy, most popular with those in the fossil fuel industry and those of a more market-oriented and politically conservative bent, is no more realistic than the previous three. An examination of the history, effectiveness, and efficiency of carbon capture and storage suggests that it is a far more limited approach to regulating greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere than proponents suggest.
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Kenneth P. Green

Senior Fellow, Fraser Institute
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Canada’s economic pain could be a blessing in disguise

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This article supplied by Troy Media.

Troy Media By Roslyn Kunin

Tariffs, inflation, and falling incomes sound bad, but what if they’re forcing us to finally fix what’s broken?

Canada is facing serious economic headwinds—from falling incomes to rising inflation and U.S. trade hostility—but within this turmoil lies an  opportunity. If we respond wisely, this crisis could become a turning point, forcing long-overdue reforms and helping us build a stronger, more independent economy.

Rather than reacting out of frustration, we can use these challenges to reassess what’s holding us back and move forward with practical solutions. From
trade policy to labour shortages and energy development, there are encouraging shifts already underway if we stay focused.

A key principle when under pressure is not to make things worse for ourselves. U.S. tariffs on Canadian steel and aluminum, and the chaotic renegotiation of NAFTA/CUSMA, certainly hurt our trade-dependent economy. But retaliatory tariffs don’t work in our favour. Canadian imports make
up a tiny fraction of the U.S. economy, so countermeasures barely register there, while Canadian consumers end up paying more. The federal government’s own countertariffs on items like orange juice and whisky raised costs here without changing American policy.

Fortunately, more Canadians are starting to realize this. Some provinces have reversed bans on U.S. goods. Saskatchewan, for example, recently lifted
restrictions on American alcohol. These decisions reflect a growing recognition that retaliating out of pride often means punishing ourselves.

More constructively, Canada is finally doing what should have happened long ago: diversifying trade. We’ve put too many economic eggs in one
basket, relying on an unpredictable U.S. market. Now, governments and businesses are looking for buyers elsewhere, an essential step toward greater stability.

At the same time, we’re starting to confront domestic barriers that have held us back. For years, it’s been easier for Canadian businesses to trade with the U.S. than to ship goods across provincial borders. These outdated restrictions—whether on wine, trucks or energy—have fractured our internal market. Now, federal and provincial governments are finally taking steps to create a unified national economy.

Labour shortages are another constraint limiting growth. Many Canadian businesses can’t find the skilled workers they need. But here, too, global shifts
are opening doors. The U.S.’s harsh immigration and research policies are pushing talent elsewhere, and Canada is emerging as the preferred alternative.
Scientists, engineers and graduate students, especially in tech and clean energy, are increasingly choosing Canada over the U.S. due to visa uncertainty and political instability. Our universities are already benefiting. If we continue to welcome international students and skilled professionals, we’ll gain a long-term advantage.

Just as global talent is rethinking where to invest their future, Canada has a chance to reassert leadership in one of its foundational industries: energy.
The federal government is now adopting a more balanced climate policy, shifting away from blanket opposition to carbon-based energy and focusing instead on practical innovation. Technologies such as carbon capture and storage are reducing emissions and helping clean up so-called dirty oil. These cleaner energy products are in demand globally.

To seize that opportunity, we need infrastructure: pipelines, refining capacity and delivery systems to get Canadian energy to world markets and across our own country. Projects like the Trans Mountain pipeline expansion, along with east-west grid connections and expanded refining, are critical to reducing dependence on U.S. imports and unlocking Canada’s full potential.

Perhaps the most crucial silver lining of all is a renewed awareness of the value of this country. As we approach July 1, more Canadians are recognizing how fortunate we are. Watching the fragility of democracy in the U.S., and confronting the uncomfortable idea of being reduced to a 51st state, has reminded us that Canada matters. Not just to us, but to the world.

Dr. Roslyn Kunin is a respected Canadian economist known for her extensive work in economic forecasting, public policy, and labour market analysis. She has held various prominent roles, including serving as the regional director for the federal government’s Department of Employment and Immigration in British Columbia and Yukon and as an adjunct professor at the University of British Columbia. Dr. Kunin is also recognized for her contributions to economic development, particularly in Western Canada. 

Troy Media empowers Canadian community news outlets by providing independent, insightful analysis and commentary. Our mission is to support local media in helping Canadians stay informed and engaged by delivering reliable content that strengthens community connections and deepens understanding across the country.

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