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Carney poised to dethrone Trudeau as biggest spender in Canadian history

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From the Fraser Institute

By Jake Fuss

The Liberals won the federal election partly due to the perception that Prime Minister Mark Carney will move his government back to the political centre and be more responsible with taxpayer dollars. But in fact, according to Carney’s fiscal plan, he doesn’t think Justin Trudeau was spending and borrowing enough.

To recap, the Trudeau government recorded 10 consecutive budget deficits, racked up $1.1 trillion in debt, recorded the six highest spending years (per person, adjusted for inflation) in Canadian history from 2018 to 2023, and last fall projected large deficits (and $400 billion in additional debt) over the next four years including a $42.2 billion deficit this fiscal year.

By contrast, under Carney’s plan, this year’s deficit will increase to a projected $62.4 billion while the combined deficits over the subsequent three years will be $67.7 billion higher than under Trudeau’s plan.

Consequently, the federal debt, and debt interest costs, will rise sharply. Under Trudeau’s plan, federal debt interest would have reached a projected $66.3 billion in 2028/29 compared to $68.7 billion under the new Carney plan. That’s roughly equivalent to what the government will spend on employment insurance (EI), the Canada Child Benefit and $10-a-day daycare combined. More taxpayer dollars will be diverted away from programs and services and towards servicing the debt.

Clearly, Carney plans to be a bigger spender than Justin Trudeau—who was the biggest spender in Canadian history.

On the campaign trail, Carney was creative in attempting to sell this as a responsible fiscal plan. For example, he split operating and capital spending into two separate budgets. According to his plan’s projections, the Carney government will balance the operating budget—which includes bureaucrat salaries, cash transfers (e.g. health-care funding) and benefits (e.g. Old Age Security)—by 2028/29, while borrowing huge sums to substantially increase capital spending, defined by Carney as anything that builds an asset. This is sleight-of-hand budgeting. Tell the audience to look somewhere—in this case, the operating budget—so it ignores what’s happening in the capital budget.

It’s also far from certain Carney will actually balance the operating budget. He’s banking on finding a mysterious $28.0 billion in savings from “increased government productivity.” His plan to use artificial intelligence and amalgamate service delivery will not magically deliver these savings. He’s already said no to cutting the bureaucracy or reducing any cash transfers to the provinces or individuals. With such a large chunk of spending exempt from review, it’s very difficult to see how meaningful cost savings will materialize.

And there’s no plan to pay for Carney’s spending explosion. Due to rising deficits and debt, the bill will come due later and younger generations of Canadians will bear this burden through higher taxes and/or fewer services.

Finally, there’s an obvious parallel between Carney and Trudeau on the inventive language used to justify more spending. According to Carney, his plan is not increasing spending but rather “investing” in the economy. Thus his campaign slogan “Spend less, invest more.” This wording is eerily similar to the 2015 and 2019 Trudeau election platforms, which claimed all new spending measures were merely “investments” that would increase economic growth. Regardless of the phrasing, Carney’s spending increases will produce the same results as under Trudeau—federal finances will continue to deteriorate without any improvement in economic growth. Canadian living standards (measured by per-person GDP) are lower today than they were seven years ago despite a massive increase in federal “investment” during the Trudeau years. Yet Carney, not content to double down on this failed approach, plans to accelerate it.

The numbers don’t lie; Carney’s fiscal plan includes more spending and borrowing than Trudeau’s plan. This will be a fiscal and economic disaster with Canadians paying the price.

Jake Fuss

Director, Fiscal Studies, Fraser Institute

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Canada Is Still Paying The Price For Trudeau’s Fiscal Delusions

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From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy

By Lee Harding

Trudeau’s reckless spending has left Canadians with record debt, poorer services and no path back to a balanced budget.

It’s time for Canada to break free from Trudeau’s big-spending legacy. With soaring deficits, mounting debt, and stalled growth, we need a budget that cuts red tape, flattens taxes, and puts the economy first.

Justin Trudeau may be gone, but the economic consequences of his fiscal approach, chronic deficits, rising debt costs and stagnating growth, are still weighing heavily on Canada.

Before becoming prime minister, Justin Trudeau famously said, “The budget will balance itself.” He argued that if expenditures stayed the same, economic growth would drive higher tax revenues and eventually outpace spending. Voila–balance!

But while the theory may have been sound, Trudeau had no real intention of pursuing a balanced budget. In 2015, he campaigned on intentionally overspending and borrowing to build infrastructure, arguing that low interest rates made it the right time to run deficits.

This argument, weak in its concept, proved even more flawed in practice. Post-pandemic deficits have been horrendous, far exceeding the modest overspending initially promised. The budgetary deficit was $327.7 billion in 2020–21, $90.3 billion the year following, and between $35.3 billion and $61.9 billion in the years since.

Those formerly historically low interest rates are also gone now, partly because the federal government has spent so much. The original excuse for deficits has vanished, but the red ink and Canada’s infrastructure deficit remain.

For two decades, interest payments on federal debt steadily declined, falling from 24.6 per cent of government revenues in 1999–2000 to just 5.9 per cent in 2021–22, thanks largely to falling interest rates and prior fiscal restraint. But that trend has reversed. By 2023–24, payments surged past 10 per cent for the first time in over a decade, as rising interest rates collided with record federal debt built up under Trudeau.

Rising debt costs are only part of the story. Federal revenues aren’t what they could have been because Canada’s economy has stagnated. Population growth pads our overall GDP growth stats, but masks our productivity problem. From 2014 to 2022, Canada had near-lowest GDP growth among 30 countries in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. Canada’s average growth rate during that period (0.6 per cent) was only ahead of Luxembourg (0.5 per cent) and Mexico (0.4 per cent).Why should a country like Canada, so blessed with natural resources and know-how, do so poorly? Capital investment has fled because our government has made onerous regulations, especially hindering our energy industry. In theory, there’s now a remedy. Thanks to new legislation, the Carney government can extend its magic sceptre to those who align with its agenda to fast-track major projects and bypass the labyrinth it created. But unless you’re onside, the red tape still strangles you.

But as the private sector withers under red tape, Ottawa’s civil service keeps ballooning. Some trimming has begun, rattling public sector unions. Still, Canada will be left with at least five times as many federal tax employees per capita as the U.S.

Canada also needs to ease its hell-bent pursuit of net-zero carbon emissions. Hydrocarbons still power the Canadian economy, from vehicles to home heating, and aren’t practically replaceable. Canada has already demonstrated that pursuing net-zero targets can result in near-zero per capita growth. Despite high immigration, the OECD projects Canada to have the lowest overall GDP growth from 2030 to 2060.

The Nov. 4 release of the federal budget is better late than never. So would be a plan to grow the economy, slash red tape and eliminate the deficit. But we’re unlikely to get one.

Lee Harding is a research fellow with the Frontier Centre for Public Policy.

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Canadians responsible for $2.3 trillion in government debt: Every single person in Alberta owes $40,939

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From the Fraser Institute

By Jake Fuss, Tegan Hill and William Dunstan

The Carney government plans to table its long-awaited federal budget on Nov. 4. In the summer, Prime Minister Carney announced billions of dollars in new spending that could push this year’s federal deficit above $90 billion, which would add significantly to the federal debt.

Indeed, the federal government, and the provincial governments, have racked up mountains of debt over the past decade and a half, with no end in sight.

According to a recent study, combined federal and provincial government net debt (total debt minus financial assets) nearly doubled (inflation-adjusted) from $1.2 trillion in 2007/08 to a projected $2.3 trillion at the end of 2024/25.

Putting this debt in per-person terms helps illustrate its scale.

Combined provincial and federal net debt per person ranges from a low of $40,939 in Alberta to a high of $68,861 in Newfoundland and Labrador. Combined federal and provincial net debt represents total provincial net debt plus each province’s share of federal net debt, which the study allocated to each province based on a five-year average (2020-2024) of their share of Canada’s population.

Of course, Canadians are ultimately responsible for financing this debt. Indeed, governments, like households, must pay interest on their debt, and taxpayers fund these debt interest payments. When tax dollars are spent on debt interest payments, those same dollars cannot be spent on important programs such as health care or used to provide tax relief.

The federal government spent a projected $53.8 billion on debt interest payments in 2024/25, more than it spent on the Canada Health Transfer ($52.1 billion), which supports provincial health-care systems. For many provinces, debt interest costs are the fourth-largest expense after health care, education and social services.

Many governments do not plan to stop adding to their net debt. Federally, the government’s recent tax and spending commitments will likely result in deficits of more than $70 billion each year through 2028/29. Additionally, six provinces—Alberta, British Columbia, Quebec, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island—project budget deficits each year from 2025/26 to 2027/28. All provinces except Saskatchewan project deficits in 2025/26.

But there’s good news. Past governments have shown it’s possible to restrain spending and reduce debt. In fact, the 2008/09 recession marked a turning point for government deficits and debt in Canada. From the mid-1990s to the late-2000s, it was a different story, as the federal government and many provincial governments sought to restrain spending, balance their budgets and limit debt accumulation.

But now and for many years, many governments across Canada have run deficits and accumulated debt, at great cost to taxpayers. It’s time governments develop real plans to address their ballooning debt burdens. The upcoming Carney budget is a good place to start.

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