Energy
Canadian natural resource minister’s wife invests in oil stocks as gov’t attacks industry
From LifeSiteNews
Records show Tara Wilkinson’s stock purchases include ‘fossil fuel’ producers targeted for eventual elimination by the Liberal government.
The wife of Canadian Natural Resources Minister Jonathan Wilkinson bought oil and gas company stocks, records show, at the same time the federal Liberal government has been attacking the industry in a bid to curb so-called “fossil fuel” use and “fight against climate change.”
According to records as per a recent Blacklock’s Reporter report, Wilkinson’s wife, Tara, amped up her trading in oil and gas stocks last year in Enbridge Incorporated and Shell PLC. The records were found filings under Canada’s Conflict of Interest Code for Members of the House of Commons.
Records show Mrs. Wilkinson also has shares in the globalists linked BlackRock Inc., Amazon, and Finning International Inc., the military-industrial complex linked to Lockheed Martin Corporation, along with COVID jab promoting Pfizer and 3M Company. She also holds stock in Royal Bank and Toronto Dominion Bank.
As early as December, Wilkinson boasted that “Canada became the first oil and gas producer in the world to put a cap on oil and gas emissions.”
He also has claimed that he is looking out for his family’s future by promoting federal climate programs.
Indeed, in 2021, he said he would “honour the commitments we made to our children that we’re going to leave them something that is a workable and sustainable world,” claiming “climate change” is the “existential issue of our time.”
He also claimed, despite his wife and by extension family profiting off oil and gas companies, that “we are on a trajectory to reducing to net zero by 2050” and that “it is important in our fight against climate change.”
Other current and former Liberal cabinet ministers also have oil and gas stocks, such as former Addictions Minister Carolyn Bennett, former Attorney General David Lametti and current Veterans Affairs Minister Ginette Petitpas Taylor.
Oil and gas companies have been racking in high profits due to both a high demand for oil and gas and higher oil prices.
The federal government under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau since 2015 has pushed a radical environmental agenda similar to the agendas being pushed the World Economic Forum’s “Great Reset” and the United Nations “Sustainable Development Goals.”
Late last year, the Trudeau government forged ahead with many policies that if they come to full fruition will destroy Canada’s oil and gas industry, which provides jobs to thousands and is important in Alberta and Saskatchewan.
At COP28 held late last year, Environment Minister Steven Guilbeault unveiled a plan to slash oil and gas emissions by 35% to 38% below 2019 levels. He claimed that it is important to reach “carbon neutrality in Canada by 2050.”
At COP28, he announced a new Liberal federal government climate policy that aims to incentivize beef cattle ranchers to reduce how much gas their cows emit by giving them feed additives.
A recent near power blackout in Alberta due to the failure of wind and solar power, however, highlights how so-called sustainable wind and solar power, which the Trudeau government heavily promotes, are not a good fit for Canada’s cold climate.
Alberta Premier Danielle Smith has blasted Guilbeault as a “menace” for going after her province and the oil and gas industry in general and vowed to fight him with every tool available to her government.
The Trudeau government has also pledged to mandate that all new cars and trucks by 2035 be electric, which would in effect ban the sale of new gasoline- or diesel-only powered vehicles after that year.
The reduction and eventual elimination of the use of so-called “fossil fuels” and a transition to unreliable “green” energy has also been pushed by the World Economic Forum (WEF) – the globalist group behind the socialist “Great Reset” agenda – an organization in which Trudeau and some of his cabinet are involved.
A June 2017 peer-reviewed study by two scientists and a veteran statistician confirmed that most of the recent global warming data have been “fabricated by climate scientists to make it look more frightening.”
There have been two recent court rulings that have dealt a blow to Trudeau’s environmental laws, however.
The most recent was the Federal Court of Canada on November 16 overturned the Trudeau government’s ban on single-use plastic, calling it “unreasonable and unconstitutional.”
The second ruling comes after Canada’s Supreme Court recently sided in favor of provincial autonomy when it comes to natural resources. The Supreme Court recently ruled that Trudeau’s law, C-69, dubbed the “no-more pipelines” bill, is “mostly unconstitutional.” This was a huge win for Alberta and Saskatchewan, which challenged the law in court. The decision returned authority over the pipelines to provincial governments, meaning oil and gas projects headed up by the provinces should be allowed to proceed without federal intrusion.
The Trudeau government, however, seems insistent on defying the recent rulings by pushing forward with its various regulations.
Energy
B.C. premier’s pipeline protestations based in fallacy not fact
From the Fraser Institute
The latest war of words over a pipeline in Canada is between Alberta Premier Danielle Smith, who seeks the construction of a pipeline from Alberta’s oilsands to export facilities on the Pacific coast, and British Columbia Premier David Eby who is foursquare against it.
Smith argues the pipeline is needed to break the U.S. market-lock on Alberta oil, which the United States buys at a discount compared to world prices. Smith argues that increased trade in oil and gas—at higher prices—would be good for Alberta’s economy and Canada’s national economy, and can be done while protecting the environment in both provinces. Eby denies virtually all these claims.
More specifically, Premier Eby makes four arguments against a new pipeline, and all are incorrect.
First, he argues, any pipeline would pose unmitigated risks to B.C.’s coastal environment. But in reality, the data are clear—oil transport off Canada’s coasts is very safe (since the mid-1990s there has not been a single major spill from oil tankers or other vessels in Canadian waters). He also simultaneously argues that it’s pointless to build a new pipeline from Alberta because B.C.’s waters are protected by Bill C-48, the “tanker ban” bill enacted by the Trudeau government in 2017. But in fact, because Bill C-48 only applies to Canadian tankers, a regular stream of oil tankers and large fuel-capacity ships cruise up and down the B.C. coast (between Alaska and other U.S. ports) with stupendous safety records.
Second, Eby argues that B.C.’s First Nations oppose any such pipeline. But in reality, such opposition is quite contingent. The Trans Mountain pipeline expansion project (TMX), which has increased shipping capacity from Alberta to the west coast, has signed agreements with 81 Indigenous community groups (in both provinces) worth $657 million and produced more than $4.8 billion in contracts with Indigenous businesses.
Third, Eby claims that Smith’s proposal is not “real” because no private-sector companies have proposed to build the pipeline. And he’s partly right—no rational investor would look at the regulatory barricade facing pipeline construction and spend the time and money to propose a project. Those applications cost money and lots of it. In 2017, according to TC Energy,before it retracted its Energy East/Eastern proposals due largely to regulatory barriers, the company had spent more than C$1 billion trying to get permits. In a 2016 report, Enbridge listed pre-construction expenditures (which include crafting proposals) of up to US$1.5 billion to build its three proposed pipeline projects. These costs will not have gotten cheaper since then. But even so, the Alberta government’s pipeline proposal has the backing of an advisory group, which includes energy companies Enbridge, Trans Mountain and South Bow—likely because they want to invest in the project after there’s some assurance it will survive the regulatory blockade.
Finally, Eby’s claim that there’s no market demand for new pipelines (which implies there will be no investors) is unsubstantiated. According to S&P Global, Canadian oilsands production will reach a record annual average of 3.5 million barrels of oil per day (b/d) in 2025, five per cent higher than 2024. By 2030, production could top 3.9 million b/d, 500,000 b/d higher than 2024 (although this assumes the federal cap on emissions, imposed by the Trudeau government, does not curtail production as predicted). This profit potential will almost certainly attract investors, if they can overcome the regulatory blockade.
It’s fine, of course, for Premier Eby to look out for the people of B.C. as best he sees fit—that’s his job, after all. But it’s also his job to recognize the limits of his authority. When looking at the TMX project, the Supreme Court of Canada has already ruled that B.C. does not have the authority to block infrastructure of national importance, including pipelines.
But as the saying goes, you’re entitled to your own opinion but not entitled to your own facts. Premier Eby’s objections to another Alberta pipeline are rooted in fallacy, not fact. The Carney government should recognize this fact and decide whether or not another pipeline to B.C. waters is in the “national interest,” which is apparently how you get a permit to build major projects in Canada these days.
Energy
National media energy attacks: Bureau chiefs or three major Canadian newspapers woefully misinformed about pipelines
From the Fraser Institute
These three allegedly well informed national opinion-shapers are incredibly ignorant of national energy realities.
In a recent episode of CPAC PrimeTime Politics, three bureau chiefs from three major Canadian newspapers discussed the fracas between Alberta Premier Danielle Smith and Prime Minister Mark Carney. The Smith government plans to submit a proposal to Ottawa to build an oil pipeline from Alberta to British Columbia’s north coast. The episode underscored the profound disconnect between these major journalistic gatekeepers and the realities of energy policy in Canada.
First out of the gate, the Globe and Mail’s Robert Fife made the (false) argument that we already have the Trans Mountain pipeline expansion (TMX), which is only running at 70 per cent, so we don’t need additional pipelines. This variant of the “no market case” argument misunderstands both the economics of running pipelines and the reality of how much oilsands production can increase to supply foreign markets if—and only if—there’s a way to get it there.
In reality, since the TMX expansion entered service, about 80 per cent of the system’s capacity is reserved for long-term contracts by committed shippers, and the rest is available on a monthly basis for spot shippers who pay higher rates due largely to government-imposed costs of construction. From June 2024 to June 2025, committed capacity was fully utilized each month, averaging 99 per cent utilization. Simply put, TMX is essentially fully subscribed and flowing at a high percentage of its physical capacity.
And the idea that we don’t need additional capacity is also silly. According to S&P Global, Canadian oilsands production will reach a record annual average production of 3.5 million barrels per day (b/d), and by 2030 could top 3.9 million b/d (that’s 500,000 b/d higher than 2024). Without pipeline expansion, this growth may not happen. Alberta’s government, which is already coordinating with pipeline companies such as Enbridge, hopes to see oilsands production double in coming years.
Next, Mia Rabson, Ottawa deputy bureau chief of the Canadian Press, implied that Smith’s proposal is not viable because it comes from government, not the private sector. But Rabson neglected to say that it would be foolish for any company to prepare a very expensive project proposal in light of current massive regulatory legislative barriers (tanker ban off B.C. coast, oil and gas emission cap, etc.). Indeed, proposal costs can run into the billions.
Finally, Joel-Denis Bellavance, Ottawa bureau chief of La Presse, opined that a year ago “building a pipeline was not part of the national conversation.” Really? On what planet? How thick is the bubble around Quebec? Is it like bulletproof Perspex? This is a person helping shape Quebec opinion on pipelines in Western Canada, and if we take him at his word, he doesn’t know that pipelines and energy infrastructure have been on the agenda for quite some time now.
If these are the gatekeepers of Canadian news in central Canada, it’s no wonder that the citizenry seems so woefully uninformed about the need to build new pipelines, to move Alberta oil and gas to foreign markets beyond the United States, to strengthen Canada’s economy and to employ in many provinces people who don’t work in the media.
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