Energy
Canada Deserves Energy Clarity – Trudeau’s “No Pipeline” Bill Has Simply Been Replaced by Carney’s “Maybe a Pipeline” Bill

From Energy Now
By Jim Warren
I wonder if many supporters of the conventional energy sector in Alberta are embarrassed about having to go cap in hand to Ottawa for permission to expand oil production and seagoing exports. Maybe they’re more angry than embarrassed.
Since the 2025 federal election Mark Carney has claimed to support nation building economic development. However, when it comes to dismantling the restrictions on getting new pipelines built the only concession of consequence he has made to the gas and petroleum sectors is Bill C-5. And the actual significance of that concession remains unclear.
Jason Kenney might well refer to Bill C-5 as the “Maybe a Pipeline” bill.
Optimism ensued after the Calgary Stampede Pancake Breakfast when Carney told reporters he would support a proposal under Bill C-5 for a new oil pipeline extending from Alberta to tidewater. You really can’t blame people for welcoming what could be a pipeline lifeline. After all, Albertans have fought Ottawa for 10 long years without receiving a single meaningful concession for the energy sector.
Unfortunately ifs and buts won’t build a pipeline.
A pipeline could be approved, if Alberta’s oil producers make a monumental investment in capturing their domestic CO2 emissions. It could be approved provided somebody other than Ottawa assembles the resources and commitments required to develop and support a Bill C-5 proposal. And let’s not forget, a pipeline to the East coast could be approved only if Quebec allows it.
This past spring Quebec Premier François Legault hinted he was giving pipelines another look. Frightened by the potential impact of US tariffs, a majority of people in Quebec were warming to the idea of a new oil pipeline crossing their provincial territory. As of May 2025, Legault was prepared to consider it. Perhaps he got to thinking Quebec might want to build a few pipelines to tap into its own undeveloped oil and gas reserves.
Nevertheless, the irritating reality is that if Quebecers say no, Mark Carney has promised they will have a veto over an Energy East 2.0.
And, what about David Eby’s NDP government in BC? The BC NDP have been competing with the Greens for decades over who loves the environment the most. That being said, some observers suggest Eby has become less hostile to a Northern Gateway 2.0 than he was in the past. However, given Carney’s promise of a veto for Quebec, BC’s world-class tree huggers and whale savers can be expected to demand the same treatment.
I admit being sucked into the desperate practice of micro-parsing every public statement made by Mark Carney; hoping one of his word salads actually contained good news. It is no simple task. As Danielle Smith deftly noted, Mark Carney speaks in riddles. I’ve read Bill C-5 but remain puzzled. I still see a big problem with getting a supposedly approved project actually built under it.
I’d be thrilled to be proven wrong on this count, but I haven’t found convincing evidence to the contrary.
Take the case of the TMX. Despite being approved and purchased by the Liberal government the project was plagued by expensive delays. The pipeline fell victim to an avalanche of protests, lawsuits, and court injunctions. Minor adjustments to the route of the right of way had to be run through a whole new approval gauntlet. It seemed like environmental monitors would halt construction if it threatened a puddle containing a few tadpoles or if a non-human bone fragment was discovered.
Impediments to construction post-approval were in large part responsible for the $38 billion in cost overruns chalked up by the project. Unless approval under Bill C-5 promises to immunize projects from the same sort of frustrations that plagued the TMX, who would want to take the risk?
An Indigenous youth group in Ontario has already announced a protest campaign aimed at thwarting Doug Ford’s plans for developing the mineral rich Ring of Fire.
Unlike Albertans who are left wondering about the future of their most significant industry, Quebecers have been doing just fine under the Carney Liberals. As mentioned, they have been promised a veto over new oil pipelines. And more recently the federal government passed Bill C-202, guaranteeing that the supply management program for dairy and poultry farmers cannot be used as a bargaining chip in Canada’s international trade negotiations.
The Liberal government has conceded that both Quebec’s 4,300 dairy farmers and their 350,000 cows are sacred. Supply management ensures Quebec’s dairy farmers can’t lose money without trying very hard to do so. On the other hand, despite the longstanding complaints of Westerners over major irritants like Quebec’s annual $13 billion equalization windfall have not made it onto the Liberals nation building agenda. Chalk up another win for La Belle Province.
It is not like political leaders on the prairies haven’t been pushing back.
Danielle Smith has taken a cover-all-the-bases approach. One of her tactics has been to exercise the degree of diplomatic finesse required to maximize the concessions she can wring out of Ottawa; short of separation.
Smith has also made it clear her government expects resolution of many of the West’s longstanding problems with Confederation like equalization and the emissions cap. Smith’s government has also given the people of Alberta the opportunity to air their concerns about the state of the Canadian union by facilitating a separation referendum. What more could a premier who wants her province to remain in Confederation do?
Compared to Alberta, Saskatchewan is a junior player when it comes to oil production, although the 2 billion in royalties (2023 figures) it earns annually from oil is nothing to sneeze at; especially for a province with just 1.2 million people. Nevertheless, Scott Moe’s Saskatchewan Party government has taken a unique approach to resisting Ottawa’s assault on fossil fuel.
Saskatchewan relies on coal-fired power plants for around 40% of its electricity. It lacks the water resources suitable for significantly expanding hydro production. The province’s natural gas fields are nearly exhausted. And greater reliance on solar and wind is not feasible given the need to maintain base load service in a province subject to serious climate extremes. The province’s long-term aim is to eventually replace coal-fired power generation with nuclear power, but that will require time and investments in the tens of billions.
So what to do in the interim, given that Ottawa has ruled all coal-fired electrical power generation in Canada must end by 2030? The solution announced by Jeremy Harrison, minister responsible for SaskPower, Saskatchewan’s Crown-owned power utility, was to tell Ottawa to get stuffed.
The province will continue to make use of its ample coal resources. It will extend the life span of its generating stations until the transition to nuclear is well underway; which could be a couple decades or more down the road. It is a position that pleases the Town of Coronach and the City of Estevan along with the thousand plus people employed thanks to coal mining and the power plants.
Nothing embarrassing about that.
Business
Turns out that there is a business case for exporting LNG to Europe

From Resource Works
The EU-US trade deal includes provisions for American energy exports, including LNG that Canada could have supplied. Canada must not make the same mistakes in the Pacific.
The trade deal signed between the European Union and the United States is a slap in the face for Canadian energy. American oil, natural gas, and even nuclear fuel, are now slated to flow across the Atlantic to European buyers, as the bloc pushes to fully wean itself off Russian energy.
It should have been Canadian liquefied natural gas (LNG) from the Atlantic coast.
Canada had every chance to build a thriving LNG industry on its East Coast. But short-sighted, hesitant government policy has consistently dismissed what has now proven to be a strong and viable business case.
The $750 billion energy trade deal between the EU and the US shows how costly that’s been.
Former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau repeatedly said Atlantic LNG was never economically viable. He famously told a 2022 press conference with German Chancellor Olaf Scholz that there’s “never been a strong business case” for exporting Canadian LNG from the East Coast.
Trudeau cited distance and infrastructure challenges, saying Canadian gas was uneconomic for direct export to Europe. Trudeau’s dismissal led to Germany signing a 15-year LNG deal with Qatar later that same year, in the first reminder of what Canada missed out on.
Reality contradicts the former Prime Minister’s pessimism. European leaders, desperate for energy after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022, repeatedly approached Canada with LNG requests. Chancellor Scholz came to Canada, followed by Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida in 2023, and Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis and Polish President Andrzej Duda in 2024.
Each time they received vague assurances and non-commitments from Trudeau’s government. Europe’s need was real, urgent, and sustained, but Canada’s response was inadequate.
As the Fraser Institute pointed out in May 2024, transitioning coal-dependent countries like India to natural gas would achieve four times more global emission reductions than shutting down Canada’s entire economy. Furthermore, Resource Works CEO Stewart Muir said natural gas isn’t just a “bridge fuel,” but a destination fuel for global energy stability.
But Canada chose domestic political caution and lofty green ideals, and ignored the broader global emission reduction opportunities. The results are clear.
The new US-EU trade deal, which guarantees $250 billion a year in American LNG purchases for the next three years, is exactly the kind of long-term market Canada could have had years ago. US LNG developers like NextDecade, Venture Global, and Cheniere Energy are already riding high on market confidence, and US natural gas producers are cashing in on the growing transatlantic demand.
Meanwhile, Canada’s Atlantic provinces are missing out on the jobs and prosperity that would have come with robust LNG development.
Trudeau’s own Energy Minister, Jonathan Wilkinson, said last March that Canada wouldn’t subsidize future LNG projects, calling them “inefficient fossil fuel subsidies.”
The regulatory framework, Bill C-69, and BC’s CleanBC plan further added to investor uncertainty, with long approval timelines and strict emission caps. As a result, Canada has seen $670 billion in resource projects cancelled since 2015, including critical Atlantic LNG projects.
Ironically, Canada’s hesitation has inadvertently increased global emissions, as Europe and Asia revert to coal due to the lack of reliable gas supplies. That’s the opposite of Trudeau’s climate goals, proving that Canada’s cautious approach to LNG was not only economically short-sighted but environmentally counterproductive.
Today, as US LNG terminals thrive and European reliance on American energy deepens, Canada must recognize that what our leaders said did not exist was always real. The “business case” Trudeau dismissed as weak was strong enough for our southern neighbours to jump at.
Canada’s indecision has left it on the sidelines, as the economic and strategic benefits flow to those who had the will to build.
All is not yet lost. Canada is still ahead of the US on supplying LNG to the Asia-Pacific, with LNG Canada in the first year of operation. Cedar LNG and Ksi Lisims LNG will soon join them in supplying Canadian LNG to Japan, South Korea, and others.
If the Atlantic opportunity has passed, ensuring that a Pacific LNG export industry can thrive is a necessity for Canada’s energy future.
Energy
Carney’s ‘net-zero’ goal remains detached from reality

From the Fraser Institute
By Julio Mejía and Elmira Aliakbari
Following last month’s European Union-Canada 2025 Summit, Prime Minister Carney and his EU counterparts issued a joint statement reaffirming their shared commitments, which include reaching “net-zero” by 2050 and transitioning away from fossil fuels. This confirms the Carney government intends to stay the course set by the Trudeau government. However, despite these commitments and the trillions invested toward this goal, the timeline to phase out fossil fuels and achieve a zero-carbon economy by 2050 remains disconnected from reality.
Building a “net-zero” economy by 2050 requires phasing out fossil fuels—such as oil, natural gas, and coal—as primary energy sources, or offsetting their greenhouse gas emissions with other activities such as tree planting. Governments and firms worldwide have devoted a massive amount of resources to achieve this goal. According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), between 2015 and 2025 alone, public and private investment in “clean energy” totalled approximately US$16.7 trillion (inflation-adjusted). That’s equivalent to China’s total economic output in 2022.
And yet, according to new data released by the Energy Institute, from 1997 (when the Kyoto Protocol set binding international decarbonization targets) to 2024, global use of oil, natural gas and coal increased by 58 per cent. Specifically, oil consumption grew by 33 per cent, natural gas by 87 per cent and coal by 73 per cent. In 2024, fossil fuels still provided 80.6 per cent of global energy consumption—a slight decline from 85.7 per cent in 1997.
Canada has followed a similar pattern despite the billions spent by Ottawa and various provinces. Between 1997 and 2024, our country’s use of fossil fuels as a primary energy source actually grew by 17 per cent. And the share of fossil fuels in Canada’s total energy consumption rose from 63.1 per cent in 1997 to 66.3 per cent in 2024. Simply put, despite a cascade of regulations, taxes and multibillion-dollar subsidies, the country is becoming more—not less—reliant on fossil fuels.
So, why hasn’t this costly push to transition away from fossil fuels played out the way Ottawa and the provinces intended?
Because major energy transitions are inherently slow and take centuries, not a couple of decades. As noted by scholar Vaclav Smil, the first energy transition—from biomass fuels such as wood and charcoal toward fossil-based energy—unfolded over more than two centuries. And that transition is still underway. As of 2020, close to three billion people in developing countries still relied on charcoal, straw and dried dung for cooking and heating. These energy sources still accounted for roughly 7 per cent of global energy consumption at the beginning of this decade.
Biomass (wood, charcoal, etc.) powered human civilization for millennia, and only around 1900 did coal became a predominant global energy source. Moreover, it wasn’t until the 1950s that oil accounted for one-quarter of global fossil fuel consumption, reaching that milestone roughly 150 years after it was first introduced into the energy market. And it wasn’t until the end of the 20th century, after about 130 years of development, that natural gas reached 25 per cent of all fossil fuels consumed worldwide.
World leaders, including Prime Minister Carney, should acknowledge reality and be transparent about the commitments they make on behalf of their citizens. Despite decades of international pledges, costly policies and trillions spent, fossil fuel use keeps growing, making net-zero by 2050 a wholly unrealistic goal.
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