Business
Bank of Canada Flags Challenges Amid Absence of Federal Budget
																								
												
												
											
 
 Dan Knight
Governor Tiff Macklem signals the central bank is flying blind as Mark Carney’s Liberal government withholds fiscal plans, leaving Canadians to face rising prices and economic uncertainty.
The Bank of Canada—yes, the people in charge of stabilizing your currency, protecting your savings, and guiding the economy through the storm—held a press conference. The takeaway? They have no idea what’s going on.
If you missed it, Governor Tiff Macklem stood at the podium and told Canadians, with a straight face, that the Bank is keeping interest rates unchanged at 2.75%. Now, if you’re expecting that decision to come with some clarity, a plan, maybe even a roadmap for the months ahead—don’t hold your breath.
Why? Because Macklem said the Bank’s navigating ‘unusual uncertainty’ from U.S. trade moves, and they’re too unsure to pin down a forecast. Instead, they’re waiting for more numbers to make sense of the mess.
Just pause and think about that for a second. The central bank of one of the wealthiest nations on Earth—tasked with steering the economy—is flying blind.
But don’t worry, we were told. A rate cut might come in July. Maybe. Depending on how inflation behaves. Depending on how the economy holds up. Depending on a whole list of things no one can actually predict right now. Macklem says it depends on inflation being “contained.” But look around—consumer spending is falling, housing is slowing down, and people are losing jobs in sectors tied to trade. And he knows it.
He said, “The second quarter is expected to be much weaker.” Why? Because the growth we saw earlier this year was a mirage. Canadian companies rushed to export goods before U.S. tariffs hit. That inflated Q1 GDP to 2.2%. Now the adrenaline is gone and reality is setting in.
He didn’t say we’re in trouble. But he didn’t need to. When your central banker says growth was “pulled forward” and Q2 will be “much weaker,” he’s telling you the economy is already running on fumes.
And then there’s inflation. Now, according to the headlines, inflation dropped to 1.7% in April. Sounds good, right? Until you look at why. The reason inflation dropped is because the federal government eliminated the carbon tax, which temporarily lowered gas prices. That policy change alone knocked 0.6 percentage points off inflation. Not because goods got cheaper—because the tax man backed off for once.
Meanwhile, core inflation—the kind that actually matters—went up. Higher food prices, rising goods prices, supply chain costs—it’s all hitting Canadian businesses and families right now. Macklem even said it himself: “Underlying inflation could be firmer than we thought.”
So what does the Bank do when prices are rising for the wrong reasons and growth is falling for the right ones? Apparently, they wait. They gather “intel” from business owners and talk about “soft data.” That’s the technical term now: soft data.
But the real kicker—what’s actually driving a lot of this chaos—is U.S. trade policy. Tariffs are back. Yes, tariffs on Canadian steel and aluminum were doubled again. And Macklem admitted that unpredictability is the biggest threat we’re facing. He said: “The trade conflict initiated by the United States remains the biggest headwind facing the Canadian economy.”
And what has Canada done to protect itself from that risk? Absolutely nothing.
In fact, Macklem came right out and admitted it. He said Canada’s overdependence on U.S. trade has been obvious for years. Here’s the quote:
“Canada’s trade is very concentrated with the United States. Look, it’s always going to be concentrated with the United States… but that doesn’t mean we can’t diversify our trade.”
So the solution has been obvious for decades. Diversify our exports. Strengthen our own internal market. Get serious about reducing interprovincial trade barriers—yes, those still exist in this country. But none of it happened. None of it. Not under Trudeau. Not under Chrystia Freeland. And certainly not under the new “caretaker” prime minister, Mark Carney—Trudeau’s old global finance buddy.
The Deafening Silence from Ottawa: No Budget, No Plan, No Leadership
Now, let’s talk about what Tiff Macklem didn’t say—but might as well have.
At a time when Canadians are facing real economic stress—on housing, food, jobs, and savings—the Liberal government under Mark Carney has failed to table a federal budget. Let that sink in. We’re halfway through 2025, inflation is shifting, trade policy is in turmoil, and the federal government has not provided a single fiscal blueprint.
This isn’t just a minor oversight. In a presser filled with caution, hedging, and uncertainty, Macklem was asked point-blank how the lack of a spring budget is affecting the Bank’s ability to do its job. His answer? Chilling in its understatement:
“Whatever announcements come out of the government that are… concrete, clear plans with numbers on them—we will take those on board.”
But here’s the thing: there are no numbers. There are no “concrete” plans. There is no spring budget. Which means the Bank of Canada is operating without a fiscal anchor.
And that’s not a partisan jab. That’s a direct acknowledgment from the central bank governor. Monetary policy doesn’t exist in a vacuum. It relies on fiscal policy—how much Ottawa plans to spend, what kind of debt it’s taking on, whether it’s injecting or withdrawing demand from the economy. Without that information, the Bank is effectively being asked to navigate blindfolded.
Macklem was careful, as central bankers always are, but he sent a signal to anyone paying attention: the absence of fiscal clarity is a problem. In his words, it “complicates monetary policy planning.” That’s about as blunt as a central banker gets.
Yet in a moment of unintended honesty, he added this:
“To be frank, the budget is not the biggest source of uncertainty… It’s U.S. tariffs.”
Well, sure. America’s economic unpredictability is real. But what Macklem didn’t say—but we all know—is this: Canada’s lack of internal leadership is a close second. And that’s the part Ottawa doesn’t want to talk about.
And here’s the part that’s impossible to ignore, even if every outlet in this country refuses to say it: Mark Carney knows better.
He used to run central banks. That’s his entire résumé. He understands, better than anyone, that monetary policy doesn’t function in a fiscal vacuum. He knows the Bank of Canada requires a federal budget to plan ahead. He knows you can’t forecast inflation or economic activity if the federal government won’t even tell you how much it plans to spend, borrow, or tax. That’s not some fringe economic theory, that’s Monetary Policy 101.
And yet, despite knowing all of this, Carney is choosing not to deliver a budget. He’s actively keeping the Bank of Canada in the dark. Why?
Well, maybe it’s because he doesn’t want to show you the numbers. Because the numbers are bad. Because the spending is out of control. Because the debt is spiraling. Because if he puts it all on paper, if he gives us the hard data, then suddenly, the opposition can do what it’s supposed to do: hold his government to account.
And maybe, just maybe, Carney doesn’t want that. Not yet. Not so early in his reign as Trudeau’s heir. He doesn’t want the Conservative Party pulling apart his economic plan, and he certainly doesn’t want the Canadian people realizing that we are not collecting retaliatory tariffs on U.S. goods, even as the Americans hammer us again with steel and aluminum levies.
He doesn’t want you to see the imbalance. Because if you did, if the average Canadian saw how weak and passive this country has become in the face of American economic aggression, you’d be furious. You’d demand answers. You’d demand change.
But instead, its all, “elbows down.” Quietly filtered out of the official narrative. No plan, no numbers, no debate—just vague promises, half-hearted reassurances, and a press conference where your central banker admits he’s guessing.
And you, the ordinary Canadian, are stuck with the consequences. You feel it every time you go to the grocery store. Food prices are still climbing. The latest inflation data shows that even as headline numbers tick down, your groceries are getting more expensive. Your paycheque isn’t going as far. And nobody in power seems to care enough to fix it.
So here’s the truth: the system is rigged. Not in some conspiratorial way, but in the most obvious, bureaucratic, cowardly way imaginable. Those in charge know the damage they’re causing. They just don’t want to be blamed for it.
And as always, it’s the people who work, save, and pay taxes—the people who still believe in this country—who get left holding the bag.
So the next time they tell you “everything is under control,” ask yourself: whose hands are on the wheel?
Because right now, it sure doesn’t look like anyone is driving.
Good-day, Canada.
Addictions
The War on Commonsense Nicotine Regulation
														From the Brownstone Institute
Cigarettes kill nearly half a million Americans each year. Everyone knows it, including the Food and Drug Administration. Yet while the most lethal nicotine product remains on sale in every gas station, the FDA continues to block or delay far safer alternatives.
Nicotine pouches—small, smokeless packets tucked under the lip—deliver nicotine without burning tobacco. They eliminate the tar, carbon monoxide, and carcinogens that make cigarettes so deadly. The logic of harm reduction couldn’t be clearer: if smokers can get nicotine without smoke, millions of lives could be saved.
Sweden has already proven the point. Through widespread use of snus and nicotine pouches, the country has cut daily smoking to about 5 percent, the lowest rate in Europe. Lung-cancer deaths are less than half the continental average. This “Swedish Experience” shows that when adults are given safer options, they switch voluntarily—no prohibition required.
In the United States, however, the FDA’s tobacco division has turned this logic on its head. Since Congress gave it sweeping authority in 2009, the agency has demanded that every new product undergo a Premarket Tobacco Product Application, or PMTA, proving it is “appropriate for the protection of public health.” That sounds reasonable until you see how the process works.
Manufacturers must spend millions on speculative modeling about how their products might affect every segment of society—smokers, nonsmokers, youth, and future generations—before they can even reach the market. Unsurprisingly, almost all PMTAs have been denied or shelved. Reduced-risk products sit in limbo while Marlboros and Newports remain untouched.
Only this January did the agency relent slightly, authorizing 20 ZYN nicotine-pouch products made by Swedish Match, now owned by Philip Morris. The FDA admitted the obvious: “The data show that these specific products are appropriate for the protection of public health.” The toxic-chemical levels were far lower than in cigarettes, and adult smokers were more likely to switch than teens were to start.
The decision should have been a turning point. Instead, it exposed the double standard. Other pouch makers—especially smaller firms from Sweden and the US, such as NOAT—remain locked out of the legal market even when their products meet the same technical standards.
The FDA’s inaction has created a black market dominated by unregulated imports, many from China. According to my own research, roughly 85 percent of pouches now sold in convenience stores are technically illegal.
The agency claims that this heavy-handed approach protects kids. But youth pouch use in the US remains very low—about 1.5 percent of high-school students according to the latest National Youth Tobacco Survey—while nearly 30 million American adults still smoke. Denying safer products to millions of addicted adults because a tiny fraction of teens might experiment is the opposite of public-health logic.
There’s a better path. The FDA should base its decisions on science, not fear. If a product dramatically reduces exposure to harmful chemicals, meets strict packaging and marketing standards, and enforces Tobacco 21 age verification, it should be allowed on the market. Population-level effects can be monitored afterward through real-world data on switching and youth use. That’s how drug and vaccine regulation already works.
Sweden’s evidence shows the results of a pragmatic approach: a near-smoke-free society achieved through consumer choice, not coercion. The FDA’s own approval of ZYN proves that such products can meet its legal standard for protecting public health. The next step is consistency—apply the same rules to everyone.
Combustion, not nicotine, is the killer. Until the FDA acts on that simple truth, it will keep protecting the cigarette industry it was supposed to regulate.
Alberta
Canada’s heavy oil finds new fans as global demand rises
														From the Canadian Energy Centre
By Will Gibson
“The refining industry wants heavy oil. We are actually in a shortage of heavy oil globally right now, and you can see that in the prices”
Once priced at a steep discount to its lighter, sweeter counterparts, Canadian oil has earned growing admiration—and market share—among new customers in Asia.
Canada’s oil exports are primarily “heavy” oil from the Alberta oil sands, compared to oil from more conventional “light” plays like the Permian Basin in the U.S.
One way to think of it is that heavy oil is thick and does not flow easily, while light oil is thin and flows freely, like fudge compared to apple juice.
“The refining industry wants heavy oil. We are actually in a shortage of heavy oil globally right now, and you can see that in the prices,” said Susan Bell, senior vice-president of downstream research with Rystad Energy.
A narrowing price gap
Alberta’s heavy oil producers generally receive a lower price than light oil producers, partly a result of different crude quality but mainly because of the cost of transportation, according to S&P Global.
The “differential” between Western Canadian Select (WCS) and West Texas Intermediate (WTI) blew out to nearly US$50 per barrel in 2018 because of pipeline bottlenecks, forcing Alberta to step in and cut production.
So far this year, the differential has narrowed to as little as US$10 per barrel, averaging around US$12, according to GLJ Petroleum Consultants.
“The differential between WCS and WTI is the narrowest I’ve seen in three decades working in the industry,” Bell said.
Trans Mountain Expansion opens the door to Asia
Oil tanker docked at the Westridge Marine Terminal in Burnaby, B.C. Photo courtesy Trans Mountain Corporation
The price boost is thanks to the Trans Mountain expansion, which opened a new gateway to Asia in May 2024 by nearly tripling the pipeline’s capacity.
This helps fill the supply void left by other major regions that export heavy oil – Venezuela and Mexico – where production is declining or unsteady.
Canadian oil exports outside the United States reached a record 525,000 barrels per day in July 2025, the latest month of data available from the Canada Energy Regulator.
China leads Asian buyers since the expansion went into service, along with Japan, Brunei and Singapore, Bloomberg reports. 
Asian refineries see opportunity in heavy oil
“What we are seeing now is a lot of refineries in the Asian market have been exposed long enough to WCS and now are comfortable with taking on regular shipments,” Bell said.
Kevin Birn, chief analyst for Canadian oil markets at S&P Global, said rising demand for heavier crude in Asia comes from refineries expanding capacity to process it and capture more value from lower-cost feedstocks.
“They’ve invested in capital improvements on the front end to convert heavier oils into more valuable refined products,” said Birn, who also heads S&P’s Center of Emissions Excellence.
Refiners in the U.S. Gulf Coast and Midwest made similar investments over the past 40 years to capitalize on supply from Latin America and the oil sands, he said.
While oil sands output has grown, supplies from Latin America have declined.
Mexico’s state oil company, Pemex, reports it produced roughly 1.6 million barrels per day in the second quarter of 2025, a steep drop from 2.3 million in 2015 and 2.6 million in 2010.
Meanwhile, Venezuela’s oil production, which was nearly 2.9 million barrels per day in 2010, was just 965,000 barrels per day this September, according to OPEC.
The case for more Canadian pipelines
Worker at an oil sands SAGD processing facility in northern Alberta. Photo courtesy Strathcona Resources
“The growth in heavy demand, and decline of other sources of heavy supply has contributed to a tighter market for heavy oil and narrower spreads,” Birn said.
Even the International Energy Agency, known for its bearish projections of future oil demand, sees rising global use of extra-heavy oil through 2050.
The chief impediments to Canada building new pipelines to meet the demand are political rather than market-based, said both Bell and Birn.
“There is absolutely a business case for a second pipeline to tidewater,” Bell said.
“The challenge is other hurdles limiting the growth in the industry, including legislation such as the tanker ban or the oil and gas emissions cap.”
A strategic choice for Canada
Because Alberta’s oil sands will continue a steady, reliable and low-cost supply of heavy oil into the future, Birn said policymakers and Canadians have options.
“Canada needs to ask itself whether to continue to expand pipeline capacity south to the United States or to access global markets itself, which would bring more competition for its products.”
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