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Alberta

Albertans continue to contribute disproportionately to Canadian federalism

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From the Fraser Institute

By Tegan Hill 

Net contribution totaled $244.6 billion between 2007 and 2022

Between 2007 and 2022, Albertans continued to contribute disproportionately to Canadian federalism in terms of the amount of federal taxes paid versus federal spending in the province, finds a new study published today by the Fraser Institute, an independent non-partisan Canadian think-tank.

“It’s clear that Albertans continue to disproportionately contribute to the economic success of the country and to federal finances,” said Tegan Hill, director of Alberta Policy at the Fraser Institute and co-author of Understanding Alberta’s Outsized Contribution to Confederation.

Overall, from 2007 and 2022, Albertans’ contributed $244.6 billion to the federal government in taxes and other payments in excess of the money Ottawa spent or transferred to Alberta – more than five times as much as was contributed (on net) by either British Columbians or Ontarians. The other seven provinces, and most notably Quebec were net recipients of federalism, meaning the amount of revenues collected by the federal government in those provinces was exceeded by the amount of money spent or transferred by Ottawa back to the provinces.

“When Alberta’s economy is strong and prosperous, it benefits the entire nation,” commented Hill.

In 2022, Alberta’s inflation-adjusted GDP growth was the fastest in the country (5 per cent), it also reported the fastest private sector employment growth (7.8 per cent), the highest level of business investment per private sector worker ($36,412) and had the highest net interprovincial migration (56,245 people).

“It is the economic success of Alberta that leads to Albertans contributing more to Canadian federalism than other provinces, which is absolutely something to be encouraged rather than discouraged,” said Hill.

  • When Alberta is economically strong, all Canadians benefit, because money is redistributed to other parts of Canada.
  • In 2022, despite restrictive federal policies, Alberta continued to contribute disproportionately to the federation.
  • Alberta’s 5.0% real GDP growth rate was the fastest in Canada in 2022, accounting for 17.9% of Canada’s real GDP growth, despite being home to 11.6% of the population.
  • In 2022, 56,245 Canadian residents relocated to Alberta, representing more than 75% of total net in-migration within Canada.
  • Alberta reported the fastest private sector employment growth among the provinces (7.8%) in 2022, accounting for 19.2% of private sector jobs created in Canada.
  • Per private sector worker, Alberta attracted $36,412 of business investment, more than double the national average (excluding Alberta).
  • From 2007 to 2022, Alberta’s net contribution to the federal finances totalled $244.6 billion—more than five times as much as BC’s ($46.9 billion) or Ontario’s ($41.9 billion). In 2022, Alberta contributed $14.2 billion more to federal revenues than it received back in federal spending.
  • If Alberta were an “average contributor” based on the other provinces, rather than a large net contributor, the federal government would have had a fiscal shortfall of $16.9 billion in 2022. For perspective, to cover this net revenue loss, the federal GST rate would need to increase from 5.0% to 7.2%.
  • Put simply, without Alberta’s oversized contribution to the federation, Canada would be worse off. To benefit all Canadians, the federal government should focus on supportive policies, not restrictive ones.

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Alberta

From Underdog to Top Broodmare

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WATCH From Underdog to Top Broodmare (video)

Executive Producers Jeff Robillard (Horse Racing Alberta) and Mike Little (Shinelight Entertainment)

What began as an underdog story became a legacy of excellence. Crackers Hot Shot didn’t just race — she paved the way for future generations, and in doing so became one of the most influential producers the province has known.

The extraordinary journey of Crackers Hot Shot — once overlooked, now revered — stands as one of Alberta’s finest success stories in harness racing and breeding.

Born in humble circumstances and initially considered rough around the edges, Crackers Hot Shot overcame long odds to carve out a career that would forever impact the province’s racing industry. From a “wild, unhandled filly” to Alberta’s “Horse of the Year” in 2013, to producing foals who carry her spirit and fortitude into future generations.

Her influence ripples through Alberta’s racing and breeding landscape: from how young stock are prepared, to the aspirations of local breeders who now look to “the mare that did it” as proof that world-class talent can emerge from Alberta’s paddocks.

“Crackers Hot Shot, she had a tough start. She wasn’t much to look at when we first got her” — Rod Starkewski

“Crackers Hot Shot was left on her own – Carl Archibald heard us talking, he said ‘I’ll go get her – I live by there’. I think it took him 3 days to dig her out of the snow. She was completely wild – then we just started working on her. She really needed some humans to work with her – and get to know that people are not scary.” — Jackie Starkewski

“Crackers Hot Shot would be one of the top broodmares in Albeta percentage wise if nothing else. Her foals hit the track – they’re looking for the winners circle every time.” — Connie Kolthammer

Visit thehorses.com to learn more about Alberta’s Horse Racing industry.

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Alberta

Gondek’s exit as mayor marks a turning point for Calgary

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This article supplied by Troy Media.

Troy MediaBy

The mayor’s controversial term is over, but a divided conservative base may struggle to take the city in a new direction

Calgary’s mayoral election went to a recount. Independent candidate Jeromy Farkas won with 91,112 votes (26.1 per cent). Communities First candidate Sonya Sharp was a very close second with 90,496 votes (26 per cent) and controversial incumbent mayor Jyoti Gondek finished third with 71,502 votes (20.5 per cent).

Gondek’s embarrassing tenure as mayor is finally over.

Gondek’s list of political and economic failures in just a single four-year term could easily fill a few book chapters—and most likely will at some point. She declared a climate emergency on her first day as Calgary’s mayor that virtually no one in the city asked for. She supported a four per cent tax increase during the COVID-19 pandemic, when many individuals and families were struggling to make ends meet. She snubbed the Dec. 2023 menorah lighting during Hanukkah because speakers were going to voice support for Israel a mere two months after the country was attacked by the bloodthirsty terrorist organization Hamas. The
Calgary Party even accused her last month of spending over $112,000 in taxpayers’ money for an “image makeover and brand redevelopment” that could have benefited her re-election campaign.

How did Gondek get elected mayor of Calgary with 176,344 votes in 2021, which is over 45 per cent of the electorate?

“Calgary may be a historically right-of-centre city,” I wrote in a recent National Post column, “but it’s experienced some unusual voting behaviour when it comes to mayoral elections. Its last three mayors, Dave Bronconnier, Naheed Nenshi and Gondek, have all been Liberal or left-leaning. There have also been an assortment of other Liberal mayors in recent decades like Al Duerr and, before he had a political epiphany, Ralph Klein.”

In fairness, many Canadians used to support the concept of balancing their votes in federal, provincial and municipal politics. I knew of some colleagues, friends and family members, including my father, who used to vote for the federal Liberals and Ontario PCs. There were a couple who supported the federal PCs and Ontario Liberals in several instances. In the case of one of my late
grandfathers, he gave a stray vote for Brian Mulroney’s federal PCs, the NDP and even its predecessor, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation.

That’s not the case any longer. The more typical voting pattern in modern Canada is one of ideological consistency. Conservatives vote for Conservative candidates, Liberals vote for Liberal candidates, and so forth. There are some rare exceptions in municipal politics, such as the late Toronto mayor Rob Ford’s populistconservative agenda winning over a very Liberal city in 2010. It doesn’t happen very often these days, however.

I’ve always been a proponent of ideological consistency. It’s a more logical way of voting instead of throwing away one vote (so to speak) for some perceived model of political balance. There will always be people who straddle the political fence and vote for different parties and candidates during an election. That’s their right in a democratic society, but it often creates a type of ideological inconsistency that doesn’t benefit voters, parties or the political process in general.

Calgary goes against the grain in municipal politics. The city’s political dynamics are very different today due to migration, immigration and the like. Support for fiscal and social conservatism may still exist in Alberta, but the urban-rural split has become more profound and meaningful than the historic left-right divide. This makes the task of winning Calgary in elections more difficult for today’s provincial and federal Conservatives, as well as right-leaning mayoral candidates.

That’s what we witnessed during the Oct. 20 municipal election. Some Calgary Conservatives believed that Farkas was a more progressive-oriented conservative or centrist with a less fiscally conservative plan and outlook for the city. They viewed Sharp, the leader of a right-leaning municipal party founded last December, as a small “c” conservative and much closer to their ideology. Conversely, some Calgary Conservatives felt that Farkas, and not Sharp, would be a better Conservative option for mayor because he seemed less ideological in his outlook.

When you put it all together, Conservatives in what used to be one of the most right-leaning cities in a historically right-leaning province couldn’t decide who was the best political option available to replace the left-wing incumbent mayor. Time will tell if they chose wisely.

Fortunately, the razor-thin vote split didn’t save Gondek’s political hide. Maybe ideological consistency will finally win the day in Calgary municipal politics once the recount has ended and the city’s next mayor has been certified.

Michael Taube is a political commentator, Troy Media syndicated columnist and former speechwriter for Prime Minister Stephen Harper. He holds a master’s degree in comparative politics from the London School of Economics, lending academic rigour to his political insights.

Troy Media empowers Canadian community news outlets by providing independent, insightful analysis and commentary. Our mission is to support local media in helping Canadians stay informed and engaged by delivering reliable content that strengthens community connections and deepens understanding across the country

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