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Watchdog Presses Ottawa to Release Hidden Lobbying Rulings

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The Opposition with Dan Knight

Dan Knight's avatar Dan Knight

With nine cases still undisclosed and a reappointment controversy surrounding the Lobbying Commissioner, the group warns that federal enforcement of ethics laws is losing public trust

More than a year has passed. Ten separate lobbying violations. Nine of them returned by the RCMP without prosecution. Zero public rulings. And a Commissioner who was quietly re-appointed for another seven-year term by the Trudeau regime.

What am I describing? A third-world dictatorship? Nope. Welcome to Ottawa—where democracy dies behind closed doors, and corporate lobbyists write the laws under the table.

Today, Democracy Watch, the last half-functioning watchdog in this country, blew the whistle. Again. They released a bombshell press release accusing Nancy Bélanger, Trudeau’s handpicked Lobbying Commissioner, of hiding her rulings on serious violations of the Lobbying Act. These aren’t minor infractions. We’re talking about shady dealings by major players: Facebook, WE Charity, SNC-Lavalin, and Imperial Oil—names you may remember from past scandals the media tried to memory-hole.

Full press release here

The facts are simple. Democracy Watch filed official requests to get these rulings. The RCMP, under Trudeau’s appointees, delayed disclosure for two years. Bélanger’s office extended its own deadline, then just… never released them. That’s illegal, by the way. But when the Liberals are in charge, the law doesn’t apply to them—only to you.

Now, why would they bury these reports? Well, ask yourself: who benefits?

Start with Facebook. Back in 2018, Kevin Chan—their top Canadian fixer—was caught giving “advice” to Cabinet ministers while failing to register as a lobbyist. Not exactly subtle. Then there’s WE Charity, Trudeau’s favorite shell organization for funneling money to friends and family. They handed out luxury trips to Bill Morneau’s family. Did they face charges? Nope. SNC-Lavalin—remember them? The company Trudeau went to the mat for in 2019, firing his own Attorney General to protect. And Imperial Oil? They lobbied Andrew Scheer and Karina Gould at a corporate event they sponsored. Nothing to see here, folks.

Here’s the question no journalist in Ottawa will ask: Did Nancy Bélanger bury these rulings in exchange for her reappointment last December? Did she gut the Lobbyists’ Code of Conduct, water down the rules, and turn a blind eye to violations just to keep her job? It’s not a conspiracy theory—it’s an obvious incentive. And it stinks.

Democracy Watch co-founder Duff Conacher was blunt: “By continuing to hide her rulings on nine lobbying violations, Commissioner Bélanger is covering up scandalous situations, protecting the lobbyists and politicians and public officials they were lobbying.”

That’s the polite version.

The real version? The Trudeau Liberal regime—and yes, we’re still calling it the Trudeau regime even with Mark Carney as his bland globalist replacement—is corrupt to its core. This is a government that protects its friends, buries oversight, and weaponizes institutions like the RCMP and the Office of the Lobbying Commissioner to silence dissent and cover up for insiders.

Just look at the pattern:

  • RCMP Commissioner Brenda Lucki was Trudeau’s puppet.
  • Her successor, Michael Duheme, was appointed after the RCMP “let off” the lobbyists.
  • Bélanger, who failed to disclose 10 rulings, gets another 7 years in power.

Coincidence? Please.

Eighty percent of Canadians—across the spectrum—say they’re concerned about unethical lobbying. And they should be. Because what we’re seeing isn’t just a few bad actors. It’s institutionalized corruption. And worse—it’s bipartisan silence. Where is the outrage? Where is the mainstream press? They’re too busy fact-checking memes and writing hit pieces on Pierre Poilievre to ask why the Lobbying Act has been turned into toilet paper.

The Liberal swamp didn’t get drained. It got deeper. And if you think electing a new face like Mark Carney will change anything, think again.

Carney was Trudeau’s right-hand globalist — a man who cut his teeth at Goldman Sachs, then went on to run both the Bank of Canada and the Bank of England. He didn’t come back to serve Canadians — he came to manage them, like assets on a spreadsheet. He now rules Ottawa like a boardroom, where accountability is a nuisance and democracy is a branding exercise.

The Liberal swamp didn’t get drained. It got deeper. And if you think electing a new face like Mark Carney will change anything, think again.

Lets be clear: What this country needs isn’t another bureaucratic shuffle. We need a reckoning. We need real transparency. And we need to dismantle the corrupt machinery that allows lobbyists, politicians, and unaccountable commissioners to play god behind closed doors.

This isn’t about left or right. This is about the survival of Canadian democracy.

Because right now, it’s being auctioned off—one lobbying meeting at a time.

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Canada’s economic performance cratered after Ottawa pivoted to the ‘green’ economy

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From the Fraser Institute

By Jason Clemens and Jake Fuss

There are ostensibly two approaches to economic growth from a government policy perspective. The first is to create the best environment possible for entrepreneurs, business owners and investors by ensuring effective government that only does what’s needed, maintains competitive taxes and reasonable regulations. It doesn’t try to pick winners and losers but rather introduces policies to create a positive environment for all businesses to succeed.

The alternative is for the government to take an active role in picking winners and losers through taxes, spending and regulations. The idea here is that a government can promote certain companies and industries (as part of a larger “industrial policy”) better than allowing the market—that is, individual entrepreneurs, businesses and investors—to make those decisions.

It’s never purely one or the other but governments tend to generally favour one approach. The Trudeau era represented a marked break from the consensus that existed for more than two decades prior. Trudeau’s Ottawa introduced a series of tax measures, spending initiatives and regulations to actively constrain the traditional energy sector while promoting what the government termed the “green” economy.

The scope and cost of the policies introduced to actively pick winners and losers is hard to imagine given its breadth. Direct spending on the “green” economy by the federal government increased from $600 million the year before Trudeau took office (2014/15) to $23.0 billion last year (2024/25).

Ottawa introduced regulations to make it harder to build traditional energy projects (Bill C-69), banned tankers carrying Canadian oil from the northwest coast of British Columbia (Bill C-48), proposed an emissions cap on the oil and gas sector, cancelled pipeline developments, mandated almost all new vehicles sold in Canada to be zero-emission by 2035, imposed new homebuilding regulations for energy efficiency, changed fuel standards, and the list goes on and on.

Despite the mountain of federal spending and regulations, which were augmented by additional spending and regulations by various provincial governments, the Canadian economy has not been transformed over the last decade, but we have suffered marked economic costs.

Consider the share of the total economy in 2014 linked with the “green” sector, a term used by Statistics Canada in its measurement of economic output, was 3.1 per cent. In 2023, the green economy represented 3.6 per cent of the Canadian economy, not even a full one-percentage point increase despite the spending and regulating.

And Ottawa’s initiatives did not deliver the green jobs promised. From 2014 to 2023, only 68,000 jobs were created in the entire green sector, and the sector now represents less than 2 per cent of total employment.

Canada’s economic performance cratered in line with this new approach to economic growth. Simply put, rather than delivering the promised prosperity, it delivered economic stagnation. Consider that Canadian living standards, as measured by per-person GDP, were lower as of the second quarter of 2025 compared to six years ago. In other words, we’re poorer today than we were six years ago. In contrast, U.S. per-person GDP grew by 11.0 per cent during the same period.

Median wages (midpoint where half of individuals earn more, and half earn less) in every Canadian province are now lower than comparable median wages in every U.S. state. Read that again—our richest provinces now have lower median wages than the poorest U.S. states.

A significant part of the explanation for Canada’s poor performance is the collapse of private business investment. Simply put, businesses didn’t invest much in Canada, particularly when compared to the United States, and this was all pre-Trump tariffs. Canada’s fundamentals and the general business environment were simply not conducive to private-sector investment.

These results stand in stark contrast to the prosperity enjoyed by Canadians during the Chrétien to Harper years when the focus wasn’t on Ottawa picking winners and losers but rather trying to establish the most competitive environment possible to attract and retain entrepreneurs, businesses, investors and high-skilled professionals. The policies that dominated this period are the antithesis of those in place now: balanced budgets, smaller but more effective government spending, lower and competitive taxes, and smart regulations.

As the Carney government prepares to present its first budget to the Canadian people, many questions remain about whether there will be a genuine break from the policies of the Trudeau government or whether it will simply be the same old same old but dressed up in new language and fancy terms. History clearly tells us that when governments try to pick winners and losers, the strategy doesn’t lead to prosperity but rather stagnation. Let’s all hope our new prime minister knows his history and has learned its lessons.

Jason Clemens

Executive Vice President, Fraser Institute

Jake Fuss

Director, Fiscal Studies, Fraser Institute
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Canadians paid $90 billion in government debt interest in 2024/25

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From the Fraser Institute

By Jake Fuss, Tegan Hill and William Dunstan

Next week, the Carney government will table its long-awaited first budget. Earlier this year, Prime Minister Mark Carney launched a federal spending review to find $25 billion in savings by 2028. Even if the government meets this goal, it won’t be enough to eliminate the federal deficit—projected to reach as high as $92.2 billion in 2025/26—and start paying down debt. That means a substantial amount of taxpayer dollars will continue to flow towards federal debt interest payments, rather than programs and services or tax relief for Canadians.

When a government spends more than it raises in revenue and runs a budget deficit, it accumulates debt. As of 2024/25, the federal and provincial governments will have accumulated a total projected $2.3 trillion in combined net debt (total debt minus financial assets).

Of course, like households, governments must pay interest on their debt. According to our recent study, the provinces and federal government expect to spend a combined $92.5 billion on debt interest payments in 2024/25.

And like any government spending, taxpayers fund these debt interest payments. The difference is that instead of funding important programs, such as health care, these taxpayer dollars will finance government debt. This is the cost of deficit spending.

How much do Canadians pay each year in government debt interest costs? On a per-person basis, combined provincial and federal debt interest costs in 2024/25 are expected to range from $1,937 in Alberta to $3,432 in Newfoundland and Labrador. These figures represent provincial debt interest costs, plus the federal portion allocated to each province based on a five-year average (2020-2024) of their share of Canada’s population.

For perspective, it’s helpful to compare debt interest payments to other budget items. For instance, the federal government estimates that in 2024/25 it will spend more on debt interest costs ($53.8 billion) than on child-care benefits ($35.1 billion) or the Canada Health Transfer ($52.1 billion), which supports provincial health-care systems.

Provincial governments too spend more money on interest payments than on large programs. For example, in 2024/25, Ontario expects to spend more on debt interest payments ($15.2 billion) than on post-secondary education ($14.2 billion). That same year, British Columbia expects to spend more on debt interest payments ($4.4 billion) than on child welfare ($4.3 billion).

Unlike other forms of spending, governments cannot simply decide to spend less on debt interest payments in a given year. To lower their debt interest payments, governments must rein in spending and eliminate deficits so they can start to pay down debt.

Unfortunately, most governments in Canada are doing the opposite. All but one province (Saskatchewan) plans to run a deficit in 2025/26 while the federal deficit could exceed $90 billion.

To stop racking up debt, governments must balance their budgets. By spending less today, governments can ensure that a larger share of tax dollars go towards programs or tax relief to benefit Canadians rather than simply financing government debt.

 

Jake Fuss

Director, Fiscal Studies, Fraser Institute

Tegan Hill

Director, Alberta Policy, Fraser Institute

William Dunstan

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