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“Back in the saddle” Poilievre’s words after winning the Battle River-Crowfoot byelection

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News release from the Leader of the Opposition

Thank you very much to the great people of Battle River- Crowfoot. If I stand before you here today, it is by the grace of God and the good generosity of so many people. The first of which I must start with is my incredible wife, Ana. Ana, you have been an incredible rock for our family. You’ve been the glue that has bound us all together.

And to my kids, Valentina and Cruz. My kids have been incredibly patient and understanding as dad has been on the road a tremendous amount over a long period of time. Especially little Valentina, I haven’t seen in a while, but I want them to know that we do this work for them and for all of Canada’s kids.

Thank you to the incredible Damien Kurek, whose gracious sacrifice has made this moment possible. He and Danielle have been filled with kindness and generosity to us.

The story that most captures the essence of the Kurek family happened at a tragic moment in their life. Last harvest, Damien lost his best friend and his father right in the middle of the harvest, and of course, this was a heartbreaking moment for him. He had spent his childhood basically being mentored by this gentleman who had taught him everything he knew.

But then he had to ask himself, how are we going to get the crop off 6,000 acres and the leader of all of this work was no longer with them. Suddenly, dozens of combines from across Battle River-Crowfoot appeared at the Kurek farm and scattered out into the fields and brought home the harvest. Without asking for anything in return, these incredible neighbors, friends and people perhaps they didn’t even know, showed up to give a helping hand.

This was bringing in the harvest in more than one way. For the Kurek family has planted the seeds of friendship across this region for over a hundred years. The seeds of those friendships came home in that beautiful harvest on that day. That epitomizes the great people of Battle River-Crowfoot for whom I am grateful that I will have the chance to be their humble servant.

To fight every day and in every way for the people in this region who feed, power and protect all of Canada. These are the farmers, the tradespeople, the soldiers, the prison guards, the entrepreneurs and so much more. Through drought and depression, through booms and busts, they’ve come through it all and they’ve never stopped.

But this incredible region and its amazing people have suffered terribly over the last 10 years. I have seen the main streets that have been hollowed out and the trades workers who are underemployed because there is just not the work as the federal government has attacked the oil and gas sector and favoured foreign producers.

This is the truth here in Battle River-Crowfoot and in many communities across this country. Over the last 10 years, Liberal policies have sent crime, immigration, housing costs, inflation spiralling out of control. Now, they promised recently that things would be different, but under Mr. Carney and his 157 days in office, they’ve only gotten worse.

There have been many announcements and meetings, many photo ops and a lot of jazz, but not a lot of results. He sent everyone home for a summer vacation. He sent them home even though the deficit is spiralling out of control, inflation is up, elbows are down, no resource projects are underway, and the housing crisis worsens as builders can’t afford to build and buyers can’t afford to buy.

That’s why us Conservatives have our work cut out for us. This fall, as Parliament returns, we will not only oppose out-of-control, Liberal inflation, crime, immigration, cost of living and housing prices. But we will propose real solutions for safe streets, secure borders, a stronger and sovereign country with bigger take-home pay for our people. We’ll put Canada first and we will do so in a way that will make our country self-reliant and make our people capable of earning paychecks that buy affordable food and homes in safe neighbourhoods.

We are going to be ready to work with any party to get these results. We need stronger take-home pay for our people in Battle River-Crowfoot, and across Canada, because people can’t afford to live. They tell me the same story everywhere I go: Canadians now spend 42 percent of their income on taxes, more than on food, clothing and shelter combined, and Mr. Carney’s deficits are actually bigger today than the ones that Justin Trudeau left behind.

More money for bureaucracy, consultants, foreign aid, corporate welfare, fraudulent refugees; less money in the pockets of the people who earned it. We will push to cut waste and cap spending so that we can bring down inflation, debt and taxes. We believe that Canadians deserve low taxes and bigger paychecks so that food and homes are not luxuries, but once again, the things that people can take for granted. You work hard for your money. It’s time that your money started working hard for you.

Transportation is one of the biggest costs to get around in this country. It’s a big country, a cold country. How many came here in their electric car today? Not many. Anybody driving from Provost or Oyen in your electric vehicle? And yet, in six months, Mr. Carney expects to have an electric vehicle mandate imposed with $20,000 per vehicle taxes applying to any vehicle above his mandated quota. This is a direct attack on rural life and on the cost of living in Canada. It will wipe out our auto sector.

It is not an exaggeration to say that the majority of communities in Battle River-Crowfoot, and across rural and remote Canada, would not exist if an electric vehicle mandate were in place. That is why Conservatives are going to mount a massive pressure campaign at dealerships, at auto plants, in communities across the country and on the floor of the House of Commons to stop the electric vehicle mandate and allow Canadians to buy the car or truck of their choice. You should be back in the driver’s seat.

We need safe streets again. Even in rural communities, where Kevin Sorenson tells me they used to leave the doors unlocked. Now people don’t feel so safe in rural communities. On farms, the thieves are showing up and siphoning gas and stealing copper. More dangerous and violent drug offences are happening everywhere.

Conservatives will push for laws that lock up violent offenders, ban drugs, treat addiction, and make our communities safe to raise families and for seniors to retire. We’ll also protect the lawful licensed, trained and tested firearms owners. Having a hunting rifle in rural communities is not just a matter of recreation; it is a way to feed your family.

We will secure our borders by putting an end to the Liberal open borders experiment of mass immigration, which has been a disaster. Over the next several years, we need to have more people leaving than coming so that citizens in Canada can afford homes, can find jobs and healthcare again. Conservatives welcome lawful, orderly immigration, but it has to be done in our national interests, with the right people and in the right numbers. In other words, we will fight to restore an immigration system that puts Canada first.

Most of all, we need to restore the sovereignty of our country. Our nation has become far too dependent on one export market, and increasingly, the Liberals are losing two trade wars: one with China and one with the US. Since Mr. Carney took office, $60 billion of net investment has fled the country to escape high Liberal taxes and brutal anti-development policies. This has weakened our economy and our negotiating position against other countries that want to take advantage of us. Those investors are taking their money to other places that have lower taxes and more favourable treatment. Meanwhile, US and Chinese tariffs have actually worsened since Mr. Carney got elected. That was the election that he ran on getting a better deal.

Conservatives will fight to put Canada first and we will work with anyone from any party. We continue to extend our hand to Mr. Carney and say that we want to work with any party to put an end to the tariffs and get a fair deal for Canada. In fact, we are proposing solutions. Nonpartisan solutions that will help strengthen Canada’s hand. For example, we propose a Canadian Sovereignty Act to take back control of our economic destiny.

This act would legalize pipeline construction, rapid mine approvals, LNG plants, nuclear plants. It would get rid of the industrial carbon tax, the EV mandate. It would ensure that Alberta could continue increasing its output of oil and gas. It would pave the way to get pipelines built right across this country, and it would eliminate capital gains tax when you reinvest your profits here in Canada to bring back hundreds of billions of dollars in investment.

This is an idea I hope the Liberals will steal because our purpose is Canada. It’s a plan that will mean that we dig mines, lay pipe, open ports, unleash the might of our workers and the genius of our entrepreneurs in a bigger, more powerful, free enterprise economy that puts Canadians back in charge of their lives. These steps will save you money, restore safety in your streets, secure your borders and strengthen your nation’s sovereignty.

These are based on common sense. Getting back to basics, things I learned a lot about when I was travelling around the great communities of the region of Battle River-Crowfoot. And I have to say, some might’ve thought it was a burden for me to come right off the campaign trail in a national campaign and go straight to knocking on doors, to travelling throughout a region of 56,000 square kilometres. But I’ll tell you something, it was not a burden at all. This has been a privilege.

Getting to know the people in this region has been the privilege of my life. In fact, I’ve had a hell of a lot of fun. Whether it’s been at the Bronc matches or the rodeos or walking into a parking lot and some guy I don’t even know walks up and offers me a big bag of beef jerky. It doesn’t happen in the city. Or another guy says he’s got a four-wheeler and he tells me I can tear around town at it all by myself – he trusts the city boy to do that – I don’t know what he was thinking. But I really love the people of Battle River—Crowfoot. They’re the kind of ‘what you see is what you get’, give you the shirt off their back, tell it like it is, common sense people.

And they reinforced a lot of lessons that all of us in politics have to learn and relearn and relearn again: humility and hard work, loyalty and love. You see the people in these communities, they fight their own battles, but they’re always ready to stop and help a neighbour or a friend. They know how to stretch a dollar. And most of all, they know, in the words of the great Paul Harvey, how to bail together a family with the soft, strong bonds of sharing.

It reminded me of all of these things, and they also reminded me that the road to success is never a straight line. And most of all, you should never give up in hard times. That, whenever hardship strikes, you need to stand up and keep on going, and if you care about something, you don’t give up on it when things get difficult or you suffer a setback.

These stories that were on the faces of the people I met: the woman suffering from cancer who had just overcome days of radiation treatment, who showed up at my town hall in Stettler to tell me to keep going. I say to her, ‘you don’t give up, so I don’t give up.’

The waitress I met in the same town who told me she also works as a teacher and a ranch hand, but has no money left at the end of the month somehow having three jobs. Because she doesn’t give up, I won’t give up.

Or Patty, a female prison guard who works at the Drumheller penitentiary and who was tied up and viciously assaulted by a violent criminal, and told me that she wasn’t afraid because she was too busy thinking about the job that she had to do to protect her fellow prison guards. My message to her is, you don’t give up, so I don’t give up.

To Bill Bauer, who turned a hundred years old in Acme. He was born and raised in a sod hut in rural Saskatchewan and lived through the Dust Bowl and the depression, all to move to Alberta and start generation after generation of family here in this wonderful region. Because he doesn’t give up, I don’t give up.

To the great people of the special areas whose ancestors were told a century ago, including Damien’s great-grandparents, that they’d never be able to farm on that land – too tough and too dry. And yet on the homestead signs that you drive by on the highway, those old names are still there, and their great-great-grandchildren are still making those fields blossom. They never gave up, so I will never give up.

Because as my mother who’s here today taught me, when you get knocked down, you get up and you keep on going. If you believe in what you’re doing, you march forward. So I say to all of the people, not just in the great region of Battle River-Crowfoot, but right across this country, to anyone who has been knocked down but has got back up and kept on going, you haven’t given up, so I won’t give up.

Together, we will work together, we will fight together, we will sacrifice together to restore the opportunity that our grandparents left for us so that we can leave it for our grandchildren. So that we can once again restore a country that is strong, self-reliant and sovereign. That is the country we’re in this for. That is why we stay united. That is why we go forward. May God keep our land glorious and free. Thank you very much.

 

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Alberta

Jason Kenney’s Separatist Panic Misses the Point

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By Collin May

Time was a former political leader’s expected role was to enjoy retirement in relative obscurity, resisting the urge to wade into political debate. Conservatives generally stick to that tradition. Ralph Klein certainly did after his term ended. Stephen Harper has made no attempt to upstage his successors. Yet former Alberta Premier Jason Kenney can’t seem to help himself.

From the boardroom of Bennett Jones, one of Calgary’s oldest law firms, Kenney recently offered his thoughts on the unspeakable horrors that await the province should it entertain a debate (perhaps even call a referendum) on separating from Canada. While dismissing Alberta separatists as a “perennially angry minority”, Kenney nevertheless declared a vote on separation would “would divide families, divide communities, divide friends for no useful purpose.” Business partnerships, church and community groups, even marriages and families would break apart, he warned, “shredding the social fabric of the province.”

It was a remarkable burst of untethered hyperbole, but it says more about the former premier than it does about the province he once led.

Kenney’s take on the history of Alberta separatism is telling. It’s a 50-year-old “discredited concept,” he said, whose acolytes “couldn’t get elected dogcatcher in this province.” Exhibit A in his analysis was Gordon Kesler, an Alberta rodeo rider and oil company scout who believed independence was the only way to save Alberta from Ottawa’s depredations. In a 1982 byelection, Kesler got himself very much elected as an MLA under the Western Canada Concept banner. He later lost in the general election to Peter Lougheed’s Progressive Conservatives, but Lougheed did not belittle Albertans for entertaining separatist notions. Instead, he asked for a mandate to fight Ottawa more effectively — and got it.

Kenney, by contrast, ridicules separatists while simultaneously painting them as an existential menace. Worse, he likens them to followers of Vladimir Putin and (perhaps even worse?) Donald Trump. “[I]f you just follow them on social media,” he claimed, one will quickly see that they cheered on Putin’s attack on Ukraine and Trump’s threat of making Canada the 51 st state.

Kenney’s latest intervention fits a pattern. As premier from 2019 to 2022, he could not resist trying to stamp out dissent. During the pandemic, he alienated political allies by dismissing their concerns about mandatory vaccines with contempt. He saw his ouster as UCP leader as the result of a Trumpian-inspired or “MAGA” campaign. UCP party faithful, however, said their rejection of him had far more to do with his top-down leadership style and habit of “blaming other people for the errors he made.”

What’s especially striking about Kenney’s separatist obsession is that he seems to understand as little about Albertans now as he did while premier. Albertans have long debated separation without the province descending into chaos. When Kesler won his seat, people talked about separation, argued its pros and cons, but couples were not running to their divorce lawyers over the issue and business partners were not at each other’s throats.

And there are legitimate reasons for concern about Canada’s social and political structure, as well as the role provinces play in that structure. Canada’s institutions operate largely on an old colonial model that concentrates power in the original population centre of southern Ontario and Quebec. This has not, and does not, make for great national cohesion or political participation. Instead, it feeds constant fuel to separatist fires.

The current threat to Canadian identity comes as well from the ideological commitments of our federal government. Early in his time as Prime Minister, Justin Trudeau declared Canada to be a “post-national” state. This sort of moniker is consistent with the popularly-designated woke doctrine that eschews the liberal nation-state, democratic procedures and individual freedom in favour of tribalist narratives and identity politics.

The obsession with post-nation-state policies has initiated the dissolution of the Canadian nation regardless of whether Quebeckers or Albertans actually vote for separation. We are all becoming de facto separatists within a dissolving Canada, a drift that current Prime Minister Mark Carney’s ineffective “elbows up” attitude has done nothing to reverse.

Kenney’s panicked musings about Alberta separatists would have us believe the province need only continue the fight for a better deal within the Canadian federation. Kenney pursued just such a policy, and failed signally to deliver. For too many Albertans today, his advice does not reflect the political reality on the ground nor appreciate the worrying trends within Canadian institutions and among our political class.

Kenney likes to associate himself with Edmund Burke, the father of conservatism and defender of venerable institutions. But Burke was known as much in his day for his sympathies with the American revolutionaries and their creation of an experimental new republic as he was for his contempt towards the French Revolution and its Reign of Terror. Burke’s conservatism still linked real actions with true words. It would be advisable, perhaps, to keep our own political language here in Alberta within the bounds of the plausible rather than fly off into the fanciful.

The original, full-length version of this article was recently published in C2C Journal.

Collin May is a lawyer, adjunct lecturer in community health sciences with the Cumming School of Medicine at the University of Calgary, and the author of a number of articles and reviews on the psychology, social theory and philosophy of cancel culture.

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Alberta

Alberta Is Where Canadians Go When They Want To Build A Better Life

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From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy

By Marco Navarro-Genie

One in three Canadians chooses Alberta to start over. But to stay Canada’s top destination, it must fight Ottawa’s barriers and complacency

No province has captured the Canadian imagination quite like Alberta—and not because of oil.

One in three Canadians leaving their provinces in the past five years headed to Alberta. They were escaping stagnant wages, high housing costs and suffocating bureaucracy. They came for freedom and opportunity, and Alberta delivered. Its edge is cultural: it rewards enterprise instead of strangling it.

The question now is whether Albertans can keep that edge before Ottawa and complacency close in.

Prosperity, like liberty, vanishes the moment people stop fighting for it. If Alberta wants to remain Canada’s economic engine, it must continue to move forward, tearing down old barriers while fending off the new ones that Ottawa and other provinces are always erecting.

The cost of standing still is staggering.

Economists say provincial trade barriers (rules that prevent goods, services, and workers from moving freely) cost the Canadian economy up to $130 billion a year. For Alberta, even a 10 per cent reduction would be worth $7.3 billion a year.

When Quebec killed the Energy East pipeline that would have carried Alberta crude to eastern refineries, Alberta lost the chance to export oil worth as much as $15 billion annually.

That’s not theory. That’s lost paycheques, lost tax revenue and public services that never materialized.

Alberta has always been more willing than others to break free from the barriers that hold back growth. Liquor sales were privatized decades ago, as were property registries. The New West Partnership with Saskatchewan, Manitoba and B.C. opened labour mobility and procurement, though it has since stalled. Alberta doesn’t impose cultural tests and it doesn’t levy a provincial sales tax. Families arrive because life here is easier. They can work, start a business, raise kids or simply breathe without bureaucrats looking over their shoulder.

But cracks remain. Liquor shelves may be free, but the Alberta Gaming, Liquor and Cannabis Commission monopoly clogs the warehouse. Professional associations in law, teaching and health care are slow to recognize credentials and drown their members in red tape.

Procurement often tilts local, because, apparently, free markets stop at the city line. And like every other province, Alberta still bows to Ottawa’s anticompetition telecom rules, the dairy and poultry cartel and the banking oligopoly, systems that consistently benefit Quebec farmers and Bay Street lenders at Alberta’s expense.

And as if the old cracks weren’t enough, new barriers are appearing. One of the worst is protectionism. Canadians love mocking Donald Trump’s tariffs, yet happily embrace the same thing at home. “Buy local” sounds warm and fuzzy but props up cartels in groceries, banking, telecom and construction. The truth? We’ve imposed more barriers on ourselves than Trump ever dreamed of.

Prime Minister Mark Carney exemplified the problem when he promoted subsidies for canola farmers. It was a double insult. First, it showed Ottawa would rather hand out cash than negotiate hard. Second, it reminded farmers that the “help” isn’t free. They pay for it through their own taxes, scooped from Saskatchewan and Alberta, laundered through federal bureaucracy, then mailed back with a ribbon.

Carney also vowed that interprovincial barriers would vanish by July 1, 2025. That deadline came and went. His shiny new “process” for expediting infrastructure looks like more of the same: more Ottawa mediation that risks slowing everything down.

But it isn’t only economics standing in the way. Ideology is becoming a barrier of its own. Diversity, equity and inclusion has morphed into a system for entrenching gatekeepers. It compels people to think and act in ways they didn’t choose. It drains productivity, creates make-work compliance jobs and sorts people into categories. Worst of all, it punishes anyone who doesn’t conform. Alberta resists this infection better than most, but its universities and federally dependent agencies are already hooked.

Then comes debanking. In 2022, Ottawa showed how quickly it could freeze accounts, and banks complied without hesitation. Since then, regulators have only expanded their reach under the banner of anti–money laundering and climate policy. The message is blunt: if Ottawa decides your sector is undesirable, access to financial services can vanish. For Alberta, with its energy industry branded a planetary threat, this is no hypothetical.

A free economy is meaningless if citizens can be financially exiled from it by decree. Alberta must shield its people by turning ATB, its provincially owned bank, into a fortress institution and enshrining access to financial services as a civil right.

So what does moving forward mean? It means doubling down on being the most desirable province to live and work. That requires bold reforms. Cut regulators down to size. Protect banking access in law. Decentralize big-city governments to make them more accountable and give residents real choices. Reform health care to expand choice and slash wait times. Deregulate housing and trucking to lower costs. Confront public-sector unions that act as ideological monopolies.

Canada loves to brag about free trade, but governs like a feudal kingdom. Alberta has already shown that a freer path is possible. The task now is to resist cartels, fight the banks, tear down old walls and stop new ones from rising.

Alberta has always been a frontier of builders, risk-takers and prosperity seekers, and to thrive it must keep moving. If Alberta leads, it will stay prosperous and desirable. If it falters, doors will close.

The choice is clear: Alberta can either be strangled by regulations or break free and keep its frontier spirit alive.

Marco Navarro-Genie is vice-president of research at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy and co-author, with Barry Cooper, of Canada’s COVID: The Story of a Pandemic Moral Panic (2023).

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