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“A Dangerous Experiment”: Doctor Says Ideological Canadian Governments Ignored Evidence as Safer Supply Exacerbated Fentanyl Death Surge

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Dr. Lori Regenstreif warns: No other country would hand bottles of opioids to addicts ‘with the assumption that this will solve their risk of overdose death’

A scathing new study by a Canadian addictions physician concludes that ideologically driven “social justice” governments have worsened the country’s fentanyl crisis by aggressively funding and promoting so-called “safer supply” programs—despite a lack of evidence they save lives. Instead, as mounting proof showed that thousands of government-distributed opioid tablets—as potent as heroin—were being diverted into the black market by organized crime, Health Canada, public health officials, and sympathetic media outlets continued to defend the controversial programs and attack critics.

Even as violent incidents emerged—including a shooting outside a Toronto safer supply clinic—the study notes that some advocates called for medical professionals to be removed from program oversight entirely.

In a paper published by the Macdonald-Laurier Institute, Dr. Lori Regenstreif, a veteran addictions physician, argues that Canada’s “safe supply” programs—widely expanded after 2019—have not only failed to reduce overdose deaths, but have coincided with a steep rise in fatalities. The number of opioid-related deaths in Canada surged from 3,023 in 2016 to more than 7,300 by 2021, despite increased distribution of government-supplied hydromorphone tablets. Regenstreif warns that the policy, intended as harm reduction, has morphed into a dangerous social justice experiment, sidelining evidence-based treatments like methadone and buprenorphine in favour of unproven, unsupervised opioid dispensing.

What Canada has chosen to do to address opioid overdose is unique, Regenstreif states of her findings, released today.

“No other country would envision a policy in which people with opioid addiction are simply given bottles of opioid pills with the assumption that this will solve their risk of overdose death.”

Instead of curbing fatalities, safe supply programs have unleashed a wave of diversion—with powerful 8mg hydromorphone tablets, known on the street as “Dillies,” leaking into illicit markets and being trafficked across the country. She cites a growing body of evidence, also covered in reports from The Bureau, that these pills are not only widely sold and traded by program participants, but also used as currency by organized crime groups.

Cited in the study, like-minded addiction experts Dr. Sharon Koivu and Dr. Jenny Melamed report that the street price of Dilaudid 8mg tablets collapsed from $15–$20 in 2020 to as low as $0.50 by late 2021. “Things changed within weeks of the hydromorphone hitting the streets,” Melamed said. This sudden flood of pharmaceutical-grade opioids reshaped local drug economies—allowing criminal networks to exploit the government-funded supply chain and expand access to hard opioids far beyond clinical settings.

Regenstreif also highlights systemic flaws in the program’s implementation. Staff at supervised injection sites often appeared well-meaning, but lacked clinical experience and a clear understanding of untreated addiction behaviour.

“They did not grasp the constant pressure felt by users to acquire more drugs, money, or other currency to maintain use.”

One notable case cited in the report occurred in 2023, when a peer support worker at the Parkdale Community Health Centre in Toronto was implicated in a shooting incident.

“A peer support worker, perhaps with naïve but good intentions, ended up on the wrong side of the law in attempting to protect a safe consumption site client involved in a shooting,” Regenstreif writes.

Yet despite such outcomes, advocates continued to push for a “non-medicalized” model of opioid distribution, in which trained addiction specialists were sidelined.

Regenstreif traces how media coverage of the safer supply programs has shifted in tone amid growing investigative scrutiny and backlash from program advocates and public health officials.

Health Canada is described as having dismissed or re-framed concerns over diversion. One federally funded guidance document, titled Re-Framing Diversion for Health Care Providers, argued that diversion should not be stigmatized. “The current medical and criminal-legal framing of diversion perpetuates stigmatizing and patronizing views of people who use drugs,” the document reads.

The Globe and Mail’s Andrea Woo wrote in 2024 citing British Columbia’s Coroners Service and noting no definitive link between prescribed safe supply and overdose deaths. However, Regenstreif points out that coroners cannot determine how a victim first encountered opioids—only which drug was in their system at death. “A coroner cannot determine if the opioid came from a diverted prescription,” she writes.

National Post contributor Adam Zivo—who has reported on diversion for The Bureau—was among the first to investigate pill diversion in 2023, interviewing clinicians who used pseudonyms due to fear of backlash. The study cites his reporting in describing a pattern: as police across the country seized tens of thousands of prescription opioid pills, and more physicians documented evidence of diversion, the research field remained notably shallow. Meanwhile, advocates of safe supply programs politicized the issue, accusing critics of inciting a “moral panic” and aligning with entrenched institutional interests.

Regenstreif contends that it is frontline addiction physicians—those treating users of fentanyl and working within the safer supply framework—who are best placed to assess its consequences. She recounts one patient under 18 describing a visit to a Burlington, Ontario clinic, where they saw a doctor only on video and were handed a bottle of Dilaudid. Others reported buying diverted Dilaudid bottles openly on the streets of Peterborough, Thunder Bay, and Windsor in Ontario, or Victoria and Nanaimo in British Columbia.

Not all supporters of the program are acting in bad faith, Regenstreif notes, but many fail to see the bigger picture. Addiction specialists, public health officials, and researchers have each addressed isolated elements of the crisis based on their particular lens—yet none have managed to bring these perspectives together into an effective, unified response.

Corroborating Canadian reports, the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration identifies hydromorphone—marketed as Dilaudid—as a drug of interest to traffickers, producing effects similar to heroin and fentanyl. The DEA lists common street names such as “D,” “Dillies,” “Dust,” “Footballs,” “Juice,” and “Smack,” and warns that diversion occurs through forged prescriptions, doctor-shopping, and pharmacy theft—risks compounded by unmonitored safe supply systems.

In her conclusion, Regenstreif warns that comparing opioids to alcohol, as some safe supply advocates do, is a false analogy. Alcohol’s harms accumulate gradually; opioids, by contrast, are acutely toxic and deadly. Canada must chart a better path forward, she argues—one that prioritizes evidence-based care, not ideological narratives. That path includes a return to opioid agonist therapy and wraparound services; genuine adherence to medical science; balancing individual and community well-being; and reuniting the four pillars of Canada’s drug strategy: prevention, treatment, harm reduction, and enforcement.

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Break The Needle

B.C. doubles down on involuntary care despite underinvestment

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By Alexandra Keeler

B.C.’s push to replace coercive care with community models never took hold — and experts say province isn’t fixing that problem

Two decades ago, B.C. closed one of the last large mental institutions in the province. The institution, known as Riverview Hospital in Coquitlam, had at its peak housed nearly 5,000 patients across a sprawling campus.

There, patients with mental illnesses were subjected to a range of inhumane treatments, city records show. These included coma therapy, induced seizures, lobotomies and electroshock therapy.

When the province transferred patients out of institutions like Riverview during the 1990s and early 2000s, it promised them access to community-based mental health care instead. But that system never materialized.

“There was not a sustained commitment to seeing [the deinstitutionalization process] through,” said Julian Somers, a professor at Simon Fraser University who specializes in mental health, addiction and homelessness.

“[B.C.] did not put forward a clear vision of what we were trying to achieve and how we were going to get there. So we languished.”

Today, amid a sharp rise in involuntary hospitalizations, experts say B.C. risks repeating the mistakes of the past. The province is using coercive forms of care to treat individuals with mental health and substance use disorders, while failing to build community supports.

“We’re essentially doing the same thing we did with institutions,” said Somers, who began his clinical career at Riverview Hospital in the 1980s.

“[We’re] creating a system that doesn’t actually help people and may make things worse.”

ECT machines and electrodes from the Riverview Hospital Artifact Collection. | City of Coquitlam

Riverview’s legacy

B.C.’s push for deinstitutionalization was driven by growing evidence that large psychiatric institutions were harmful, and that community-based care was more humane and cost effective.

Nationally, advances in antipsychotic medication, rising civil rights concerns and growing financial pressures were also spurring a shift away from institutional care.

A 2006 Senate report showed community care could match institutional care in both effectiveness and cost — provided it was properly funded.

“There was sufficient evidence demonstrating that people with severe mental illness had better outcomes in community settings,” said Somers.

Somers says people who stay long term in institutions can develop “institutionalization syndrome,” characterized by increased dependency, worse mental health outcomes and greater social decline.

At the time, B.C. was restructuring its health system, promising to replace institutions like Riverview with a regional network of mental health services.

The problem was, that network never fully materialized.

Marina Morrow, a professor at York University’s School of Health Policy and Management who tracked B.C.’s deinstitutionalization process, says the province placed patients in alternative care. But these providers were not always well-equipped to manage psychiatric patients.

“Nobody left Riverview directly to the street,” Morrow said. “But some … might have ended up being homeless over time.”

A 2012 study led by Morrow found that older psychiatric Riverview patients who were relocated to remote regional facilities strained overburdened and ill-equipped staff, leading to poor patient outcomes.

Somers says B.C. abandoned its vision of a robust, community-based system.

“We allowed BC Housing to have responsibility for mental health and addiction housing,” he said. “And no one explained to BC Housing how they ought to best fulfill that responsibility.”

Somers says the province’s reliance on group housing was part of the problem. Group housing isolates residents from broader society, instead of integrating them into a community. A 2013 study by Somers shows people tend to have better outcomes if they get to live in “scattered-site housing,” where tenants live in diverse neighbourhoods while still receiving personalized support.

“All of us … are influenced substantially by where we live, what we do, and who we do things with,” he said.

Somers says a greater investment in community care would have emphasized better housing, nutrition, education, work and social connection. “Those are all way more important than medical care in terms of the health of the population,” he said.

“We closed institutions having no [alternative] functioning model.”

Reinstitutionalization

Despite B.C.’s efforts to deinstitutionalize, the practice of institutionalizing certain patients never truly went away.

“We institutionalize way more people now than we ever did, even at peak Riverview population,” said Laura Johnston, legal director at Health Justice, a B.C. non-profit focused on coercive health laws.

Between 2008 and 2018, involuntary hospitalizations rose nearly 66 per cent, while voluntary admissions remained flat.

In the 2023-24 fiscal year, more than 25,000 individuals were involuntarily hospitalized at acute care facilities, down only slightly from 26,600 the previous year, according to B.C.’s health ministry. These admissions involved about 18,000 unique patients, indicating many individuals were detained more than once.

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In September 2024, a string of high-profile attacks in Vancouver by individuals with histories of mental illness reignited public calls to reopen Riverview Hospital.

That month, B.C. Premier David Eby pledged to further expand involuntary care. Currently, B.C. has 75 designated facilities that can hold individuals admitted under the Mental Health Act. The act permits individuals to be involuntarily detained if they have a mental disorder requiring treatment and are significantly impaired. These existing facilities host about 2,000 beds for involuntary patients.

Eby’s pledge was to add another 400 hospital-based mental health beds, and two new secure care facilities within correctional facilities.

Johnston, of Health Justice, says Eby’s announcement merely continues the same flawed approach. It “[ties] access to services with detention and an involuntary care approach, rather than investing in the voluntary, community-based services that we’re so sorely lacking in B.C.”

Kathryn Embacher, provincial executive director of adult mental health and substance use with BC Mental Health & Substance Use Services, says additional resources are needed to support those with complex needs.

“We continue to work with the provincial government to increase the services we are providing,” Embacher said. “Having enough resources to serve the most seriously ill clients is important to provide access to all clients.”

θəqiʔ ɫəwʔənəq leləm’ (the Red Fish Healing Centre for Mental Health and Addiction) is for clients with complex and concurrent mental health and substance use disorders. | BC Mental Health and Substance Use Services website

Inertia

If B.C. wants to avoid repeating the mistakes of its past, it needs to change its approach, sources say.

One concern Johnston has is with Section 32 of the Mental Health Act. Largely unchanged since 1964, it grants broad powers to medical professionals to detain and control patients.

“It grants unchecked authority,” she said.

Data obtained by Health Justice show one in four involuntarily detained patients in B.C. is subjected to seclusion or restraint. And even this figure may understate the problem. B.C. only began reliably tracking its seclusion and restraint practices in 2020, and only collects data on the first three days of detention.

A B.C. health ministry spokesperson told Canadian Affairs that involuntary care is sometimes necessary when individuals in crisis pose a risk to themselves or others.

“It’s in these situations where a patient, who meets very specific criteria, may need to be held involuntarily under the Mental Health Act,” the spokesperson said.

But York University professor Morrow says those “specific criteria” are applied far too broadly. “We have this huge hammer [involuntary care] that sees everything as a nail,” she said. “Involuntary treatment was meant for rare, extreme cases. But that’s not how it’s being used today.”

Morrow advocates for reviving interdisciplinary care that brings psychiatry, psychology and primary care together in community-based settings. She pointed to several promising models, including Toronto’s Gerstein Crisis Centre, which provides community-based crisis services for those with mental health and substance use issues.

Somers sees Alberta’s recovery-oriented model as a potential blueprint. This model prioritizes live-in recovery communities that combine therapeutic support with job training and stable housing, and which permit residents to stay up to one year. Alberta has committed to building 11 such communities across the province.

“They provide people with respite,” Somers said.

“They provide them with the opportunity to practice and gain confidence, waking up each day, going through each day without drugs, seeing other people do it, gaining confidence that they themselves can do it.”

Johnston advocates for safeguards on involuntary treatment.

“There’s nothing in our laws that compels the health system to ensure that they’re offering community-based or voluntary based services wherever possible, and that they are not using involuntary care approaches without exhausting other options,” she said.

“There’s inertia in a system that’s operated this way for so long.”


This article was produced through the Breaking Needles Fellowship Program, which provided a grant to Canadian Affairs, a digital media outlet, to fund journalism exploring addiction and crime in Canada. Articles produced through the Fellowship are co-published by Break The Needle and Canadian Affairs.

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Business

The Liberals Finally Show Up to Work in 2025

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From the National Citizens Coalition

Canadians Demand Action, Not More Empty Promises

The National Citizens Coalition (NCC) today calls out the Liberal government for their belated return to the House of Commons in 2025, after months of dodging accountability while Canadians grapple with skyrocketing costs, unaffordable housing, crime and chaos, and the fallout of a decade of failed Liberal policies.

While the Liberals dust off their seats, millions of Canadians have been struggling to pay for groceries, keep a roof over their heads, or envision a future where hard work still pays off. The NCC demands the government stop hiding behind empty rhetoric and deliver meaningful, common-sense actions to address the crises they’ve exacerbated.

“After years of empty gestures, empty rhetoric, and empty promises, showing up to Parliament in 2025 isn’t an achievement – it’s the bare minimum. Canadians are drowning in high taxes, inflation, and a housing crisis, and they deserve real solutions, not more speeches,” says NCC Director Alexander Brown.

The NCC calls on the Liberal government to immediately prioritize:

Immediate tax relief to put money back in the pockets of hardworking Canadians, including axing the HIDDEN CARBON TAX on our Great Canadian businesses.

Concrete steps to slash immigration back to responsible, sustainable norms; including a crackdown on fraudulent ‘diploma mills,’ and the abolishment of the ‘Temporary Foreign Worker’ program, to protect Canadian jobs, and the jobs of our youth.

Meaningful, immediate efforts to increase housing supply, by slashing red tape and bureaucratic roadblocks that drive up development costs.

An end to wasteful spending on pet projects and corporate handouts that do nothing for struggling families.

Steps toward meaningful criminal justice reform; including an end to Liberal catch-and-release bail for repeat violent offenders.

A plan to restore economic opportunity, so young Canadians can afford homes and build a future without fleeing the country.

And it’s time to Kill Bill C-69 — and Build Pipelines.

Working Canadians have heard enough platitudes – it’s time for results. The government must act decisively to fix the mess they’ve created or step aside for those who will. With just a few short weeks before the Liberals abscond for another vacation, IMMEDIATE ACTION is required to match the urgency of the moment, and to atone for the insult of the Liberals’ cynical, dishonest, “elbows up” campaign that left millions of young, working-age Canadians without hope for the future.

About the National Citizens Coalition:

Founded in 1967, the National Citizens Coalition is a non-profit organization dedicated to advocating for lower taxes, less government waste, and greater individual freedom. We stand for common-sense policies that once again put Canadians first.

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