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Real Challenges Await Carney

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From the National Citizens Coalition

By Peter Coleman, President, National Citizens Coalition

Carney’s Washington Trip: A Low Bar Cleared, But Real Challenges Await

The legacy media circus surrounding Prime Minister Mark Carney’s recent trip to Washington was predictable, wasn’t it? The Liberal-subsidized press, ever eager to prop up their chosen darlings, couldn’t stop fawning over how Carney “stood up” to President Donald Trump. As someone who’s never been accused of waving a Liberal flag, I’ll admit it was refreshing to see a Canadian leader who could string two coherent sentences together without embarrassing us on the world stage. After years of Justin Trudeau sullying our nation with his very presence, Carney’s performance cleared the lowest of bars. But let’s not break out the champagne just yet.

NCC and Western Standard readers—hard-working folks who value straight talk over CBC’s syrupy narratives, or the Globe and Mail’s elitist drivel—know better than to judge a politician by their words. Carney’s entire election pitch boiled down to terrifying voters with a hyperbolic “Orange Man bad, vote for me” message. It was a message tailor-made for naive leftists glued to legacy media, blissfully unaware of the real world. Meanwhile, those of us reading outlets like this one, where ideas are challenged and truths are unearthed, saw through the bombast and the cynical “elbows up” campaign strategy, and we know to judge leaders by what they do, not what they say to get elected. On that front, Carney’s still got a steep hill to climb.

So let’s give credit where it’s due—not to Carney, but to Alberta Premier Danielle Smith. Her recent press conference was a masterclass in clarity and conviction, laying out conditions for a new relationship with a federal government that’s long treated Alberta with disdain. For too many in Ottawa, Alberta’s nothing more than a cash cow to prop up Quebec through equalization payments while dismissing the West’s reasonable concerns as backwater griping. Smith’s demands were practical and rooted in the reality that Alberta’s contributions deserve more respect, not contempt. So, how did the so-called “smartest guy in the room”—as Carney and his media cheerleaders love to proclaim—respond to these demands? Crickets. No answers, no action, just the same old Liberal sidestep.

Meanwhile, while Carney basks in the afterglow of his Washington photo-op, the world isn’t waiting for Canada to get its act together. As I write this, the United States and the United Kingdom have just announced the framework for a historic free trade agreement. Remember Carney’s campaign promises? He was supposed to be the guy securing “historic” trade deals with the UK and the EU. Yet here we are, watching the UK cozy up to the U.S. while Canada’s left on the sidelines. What happened? Could it be that Carney’s thinly veiled carbon tax obsession and climate change dogma—kept under wraps during the campaign—are already scaring off potential partners? Or perhaps our allies see what millions in Canada have already noticed: a leader surrounded by the same incompetent Trudeau-era cabinet, who may still be destined to recycle the same tired and destructive ideas that have held Canada back for a decade.

Time will tell, but the clock is ticking, and Canada’s still moving in slow motion. Carney will soon learn the hard way that governing is a far cry from glad-handing in Beijing, benefiting from President Trump’s election interference, or fear-mongering on the campaign trail. Most Canadians aren’t interested in more rhetoric; we want results. With our vast resources, we should be the richest country on Earth, yet for ten years, we’ve been sliding backward. Our economy is stagnant, our global influence is waning, and Ottawa’s obsession with centralized control and woke policies have left us ill-equipped to compete. The time for change isn’t tomorrow—it’s now.

Carney’s got a chance to prove he’s more than a slick operator, but he’s got to deliver. Alberta’s demands, as articulated by Smith, aren’t just a wishlist; they’re a pre-requisite to restoring fairness and unleashing our potential. Ignore them, and Carney risks alienating the real economic engine of this country. Canadians deserve better than another decade of mismanagement and excuses. Here at the National Citizens Coalition, we’ve been around since 1967, and we’ve seen governments come and go. Through it all, we’ve stayed true to our mission: advocating for freedom and common sense, and a Canada that lives up to its promise. Mark Carney is on notice—words won’t cut it anymore. It’s time to act.

But more than anything, it’s time for government to get out of the way.

Peter Coleman is the President of the National Citizens Coalition, Canada’s pioneer conservative non-profit advocacy group.

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Alberta

Canadian Oil Sands Production Expected to Reach All-time Highs this Year Despite Lower Oil Prices

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From Energy Now

S&P Global Commodity Insights has raised its 10-year production outlook for the Canadian oil sands. The latest forecast expects oil sands production to reach a record annual average production of 3.5 million b/d in 2025 (5% higher than 2024) and exceed 3.9 million b/d by 2030—half a million barrels per day higher than 2024. The 2030 projection is 100,000 barrels per day (or nearly 3%) higher than the previous outlook.

The new forecast, produced by the S&P Global Commodity Insights Oil Sands Dialogue, is the fourth consecutive upward revision to the annual outlook. Despite a lower oil price environment, the analysis attributes the increased projection to favorable economics, as producers continue to focus on maximizing existing assets through investments in optimization and efficiency.


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While large up-front, out-of-pocket expenditures over multiple years are required to bring online new oil sands projects, once completed, projects enjoy relatively low breakeven prices.

S&P Global Commodity Insights estimates that the 2025 half-cycle break-even for oil sands production ranged from US$18/b to US$45/b, on a WTI basis, with the overall average break-even being approximately US$27/b.*

“The increased trajectory for Canadian oil sands production growth amidst a period of oil price volatility reflects producers’ continued emphasis on optimization—and the favorable economics that underpin such operations,” said Kevin Birn, Chief Canadian Oil Analyst, S&P Global Commodity Insights. “More than 3.8 million barrels per day of existing installed capacity was brought online from 2001 and 2017. This large resource base provides ample room for producers to find debottlenecking opportunities, decrease downtime and increase throughput.”

The potential for additional upside exists given the nature of optimization projects, which often result from learning by doing or emerge organically, the analysis says.

“Many companies are likely to proceed with optimizations even in more challenging price environments because they often contribute to efficiency gains,” said Celina Hwang, Director, Crude Oil Markets, S&P Global Commodity Insights. “This dynamic adds to the resiliency of oil sands production and its ability to grow through periods of price volatility.”

The outlook continues to expect oil sands production to enter a plateau later this decade. However, this is also expected to occur at a higher level of production than previously estimated. The new forecast expects oil sands production to be 3.7 million b/d in 2035—100,000 b/d higher than the previous outlook.

Export capacity—already a concern in recent years—is a source of downside risk now that even more production growth is expected. Without further incremental pipeline capacity, export constraints have the potential to re-emerge as early as next year, the analysis says.

“While a lower price path in 2025 and the potential for pipeline export constraints are downside risks to this outlook, the oil sands have proven able to withstand extreme price volatility in the past,” said Hwang. “The low break-even costs for existing projects and producers’ ability to manage challenging situations in the past support the resilience of this outlook.”

* Half-cycle breakeven cost includes operating cost, the cost to purchase diluent (if needed), as well as an adjustment to enable a comparison to WTI—specifically, the cost of transport to Cushing, OK and quality differential between heavy and light oil.

About S&P Global Commodity Insights

At S&P Global Commodity Insights, our complete view of global energy and commodity markets enables our customers to make decisions with conviction and create long-term, sustainable value.

We’re a trusted connector that brings together thought leaders, market participants, governments, and regulators and we create solutions that lead to progress. Vital to navigating commodity markets, our coverage includes oil and gas, power, chemicals, metals, agriculture, shipping and energy transition. Platts® products and services, including leading benchmark price assessments in the physical commodity markets, are offered through S&P Global Commodity Insights. S&P Global Commodity Insights maintains clear structural and operational separation between its price assessment activities and the other activities carried out by S&P Global Commodity Insights and the other business divisions of S&P Global.

S&P Global Commodity Insights is a division of S&P Global (NYSE: SPGI). S&P Global is the world’s foremost provider of credit ratings, benchmarks, analytics and workflow solutions in the global capital, commodity and automotive markets. With every one of our offerings, we help many of the world’s leading organizations navigate the economic landscape so they can plan for tomorrow, today. For more information visit https://www.spglobal.com/commodity-insights/en.

SOURCE S&P Global Commodity Insights

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Federal government should finally cut Trudeau-era red tape

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From the Fraser Institute

By Kenneth P. Green

If Prime Minister Carney really wants to show he’s committed to “Building Canada” he’d ceremoniously defenestrate Bill C-48, scap the cap on Canadian Oil and Gas related greehhouse gas emissions, and ax the so-called Clean Electricity Regulations

As pretty much everyone knows, Canada has a building problem. Whether it’s provincial building of housing or infrastructure, or national building of highways, pipelines or energy production facilities, Canada can seemingly not get things built no matter how many companies and investors propose projects (or how many newspaper opinion columns or public opinion polls shows that people want things built).

The Carney government appears to recognize this problem and recently introduced Bill C-5. Of course, appearances can be deceiving. Superficially, a lot of what’s in the proposed bill sounds good: facilitating free trade and labour mobility inter-provincially, and ostensibly streamlining government’s regulatory powers to facilitate the timely building of projects deemed to be in Canada’s national interests. Who could be against that?

Per the government, the “Bill seeks to get projects in the national interest built by focusing on a small number of executable projects and shifting the focus of federal reviews from ‘whether’ to build these projects to ‘how’ to best advance them.” Again, looks great, but even a cursory reading by a legal layman reveals the fact that, in reality, little has changed in regard to the approval of major building projects in Canada. Just as it is now, under the new regime, the prime minister’s office (and designees elsewhere in government) ultimately have carte blanche in deciding whether or not projects of significance can be built in Canada, under what timeline, and based on whatever criteria they deem appropriate.

All that is better than nothing, of course, but words (particularly political words) are cheap and actions more valuable. If Prime Minister Carney really wants to show he’s committed to “Building Canada” he’d ceremoniously defenestrate Bill C-48 (a.k.a. the “Tanker Ban Bill”), which came into effect last year under the Trudeau government and changed tanker regulations off British Columbia’s northern coast, torpedoing any prospects of building oil export pipelines on Canada’s west coast.

He could also scrap the cap on Canadian oil and gas-related greenhouse gas emissions (introduced by the Trudeau government in 2024) and regulations (also introduced in 2024) for methane emissions in the oil and gas sector, both of which will almost inevitably raise costs and curtail production.

Finally, the prime minister could ax the so-called “Clean Electricity Regulations” that will likely drive electricity rates through the roof while ushering in an age of less-reliable electricity supply and less building of conventional energy-generation from natural gas, a fuel far more reliable than Canada’s fickle winds and often-tepid sunlight. By driving up energy costs across Canada and through the entire chain of production and service economies, these regulations (again, enacted by the Trudeau government) will make it more expensive to build anything anywhere in Canada.

Prime Minister Carney has made some nice noises seemingly recognizing that Canada has a building problem, particularly with regard to energy projects, and Bill C-5 makes equally nice (yet ill-defined) noises about regulatory reform in the energy and natural resource sectors. But Canada doesn’t have a shortage of nebulous government pronouncements; it has an overdose of regulatory restrictions preventing building in Canada. He should show real seriousness and eliminate the raft of Trudeau-era red tape stifling growth and development in Canada.

And sooner is better than later. Canada’s biggest economic competitors (not only the United States) are not sitting on their red-taped hands watching their economies decline.

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