Health
How the once-blacklisted Dr. Jay Bhattacharya could help save healthcare

From LifeSiteNews
Now seated at the helm of the National Institutes of Health, Dr. Jay Bhattacharya is poised to reshape not only the agency’s research priorities but the very culture that pushed him to the fringe.
Imagine spending your career studying infectious diseases, only to find that the real virus spreading uncontrollably is censorship. That was the reality for Dr. Jay Bhattacharya, a Stanford epidemiologist who committed the unpardonable sin of questioning the COVID-19 lockdown orthodoxy. His punishment? Digital exile, courtesy of Silicon Valley’s Ministry of Truth.
In December 2022, the Twitter Files exposed what many had long suspected: Twitter had quietly placed Bhattacharya’s account on a Trends Blacklist. This ensured that his posts, often critical of lockdowns and mask mandates, would never see the light of day on the platform’s trending topics. In other words, Twitter’s algorithm worked like a digital bouncer, making sure his dissenting opinions never made it past the velvet rope.
And Twitter wasn’t alone. Facebook, ever eager to please its government handlers, scrubbed the Great Barrington Declaration from its pages. That document, co-authored by Bhattacharya and other esteemed scientists, dared to suggest that maybe, just maybe, locking down entire populations wasn’t the best strategy. Instead, it proposed focused protection for the most vulnerable while allowing the rest of society to function. For this, it was sent to the digital equivalent of a gulag.
These experiences took center stage during Bhattacharya’s Senate confirmation hearing for the directorship of the National Institutes of Health (NIH). Republican lawmakers, who suddenly found themselves cast as the last defenders of free speech in scientific discourse, saw his nomination as a win.
During his testimony, Bhattacharya didn’t mince words. He detailed how the Biden administration played an active role in orchestrating the suppression of alternative views. It wasn’t enough for officials to push their own pandemic policies — they needed to ensure that no one, regardless of expertise, could challenge them in the public square.
The Science™ vs. The Science
Bhattacharya’s testimony laid bare an uncomfortable truth: the pandemic was a crisis of speech. “The root problem was that people who had alternative ideas were suppressed,” he told Sen. Ashley Moody (R-Fla.). “I personally was subject to censorship by the actions of the Biden administration during the pandemic.”
In a functioning society, that statement would spark bipartisan outrage. Instead, it barely registered. The people who spent years chanting “trust the science” were never interested in science at all.
Real science thrives on debate, skepticism, and the understanding that no single expert — no matter how credentialed—holds absolute truth. But during COVID, science became The Science™ — a government-approved doctrine enforced by Silicon Valley moderators and federal bureaucrats. Deviate from it, and you weren’t just wrong. You were dangerous.
A government-sanctioned muzzle
Bhattacharya wasn’t silenced in some haphazard, accidental way. The Biden administration actively leaned on social media companies to “moderate” voices like his. In practice, that meant tech executives — most of whom couldn’t tell a virus from a viral tweet — decided which epidemiologists the public was allowed to hear.
He responded with a lawsuit against the administration, accusing it of colluding with Big Tech to crush dissent. But in a ruling as predictable as it was revealing, the Supreme Court dismissed the case, arguing that Bhattacharya and his fellow plaintiffs lacked standing. Meaning: Yes, the government may have pressured private companies into silencing critics, but unless you can prove exactly how that harmed you, don’t expect the courts to care.
The real role of science
Despite everything, Bhattacharya didn’t argue for scientists to dictate policy. Unlike the public health bureaucrats who spent the pandemic issuing commandments from their Zoom thrones, he made it clear: “Science should be an engine for freedom,” he said. “Not something where it stands on top of society and says, ‘You must do this, this or this, or else.’”
That distinction matters. Science informs, but policy is about trade-offs. The problem wasn’t that officials got things wrong — it’s that they refused to admit the possibility. Instead of allowing open debate, they silenced critics. Instead of acknowledging uncertainty, they imposed rules with absolute certainty.
Bhattacharya wasn’t censored because he was wrong. He was censored because he questioned people who couldn’t afford to be.
His confirmation hearing made one thing clear: science wasn’t about data. It was about power. And in Washington, power doesn’t like to be questioned.
Science, money and power
At the heart of the hearing was a fundamental question: Who controls science that people are allowed to talk about? The NIH, with its $48 billion budget, is less a research institution and more a financial leviathan, shaping the direction of American science through the projects it funds (or doesn’t) fund.
Bhattacharya’s nomination comes at a moment when the battle lines around scientific freedom, government intervention, and public trust in research are more entrenched than ever. The pandemic shattered the illusion that science was above politics. Instead, it exposed just how much political and corporate interests shape what counts as “settled” science.
The irony is thick enough to cut with a knife. The man once branded too dangerous for social media, blacklisted for questioning lockdowns, and effectively erased from mainstream discourse is now being handed a key role in the very government that tried to silence him. Dr. Jay Bhattacharya, once forced to the margins, is now at the center of power.
A new administration has decided that maybe — just maybe — silencing dissenting scientists wasn’t the best pandemic strategy. And in a twist no Hollywood scriptwriter would dare to pitch for being too on-the-nose, Bhattacharya wasn’t being welcomed back into the conversation — he’s being put in charge of it.
Bhattacharya was confirmed following a party-line vote Tuesday evening. The decision came after a similarly partisan endorsement from the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions (HELP), clearing the final hurdle for President Donald Trump’s nominee.
Equally central to his testimony was Bhattacharya’s call for a sweeping shift in NIH priorities. He proposed a decentralization of research funding, stressing the need for greater inclusion of dissenting voices in the scientific process, an apparent rebuke of the consensus-driven culture that dominated during the pandemic. He emphasized targeting resources toward projects with a clear and measurable impact on public health, dismissing other NIH initiatives as “frivolous.”
Now seated at the helm of the National Institutes of Health, Dr. Jay Bhattacharya is poised to reshape not only the agency’s research priorities but the very culture that pushed him to the fringe. His confirmation, hard-won and unapologetically political, is already shaking the scaffolding of a scientific establishment that long equated conformity with consensus.
Reprinted with permission from Reclaim The Net.
Break The Needle
B.C. doubles down on involuntary care despite underinvestment

By Alexandra Keeler
B.C.’s push to replace coercive care with community models never took hold — and experts say province isn’t fixing that problem
Two decades ago, B.C. closed one of the last large mental institutions in the province. The institution, known as Riverview Hospital in Coquitlam, had at its peak housed nearly 5,000 patients across a sprawling campus.
There, patients with mental illnesses were subjected to a range of inhumane treatments, city records show. These included coma therapy, induced seizures, lobotomies and electroshock therapy.
When the province transferred patients out of institutions like Riverview during the 1990s and early 2000s, it promised them access to community-based mental health care instead. But that system never materialized.
“There was not a sustained commitment to seeing [the deinstitutionalization process] through,” said Julian Somers, a professor at Simon Fraser University who specializes in mental health, addiction and homelessness.
“[B.C.] did not put forward a clear vision of what we were trying to achieve and how we were going to get there. So we languished.”
Today, amid a sharp rise in involuntary hospitalizations, experts say B.C. risks repeating the mistakes of the past. The province is using coercive forms of care to treat individuals with mental health and substance use disorders, while failing to build community supports.
“We’re essentially doing the same thing we did with institutions,” said Somers, who began his clinical career at Riverview Hospital in the 1980s.
“[We’re] creating a system that doesn’t actually help people and may make things worse.”
Riverview’s legacy
B.C.’s push for deinstitutionalization was driven by growing evidence that large psychiatric institutions were harmful, and that community-based care was more humane and cost effective.
Nationally, advances in antipsychotic medication, rising civil rights concerns and growing financial pressures were also spurring a shift away from institutional care.
A 2006 Senate report showed community care could match institutional care in both effectiveness and cost — provided it was properly funded.
“There was sufficient evidence demonstrating that people with severe mental illness had better outcomes in community settings,” said Somers.
Somers says people who stay long term in institutions can develop “institutionalization syndrome,” characterized by increased dependency, worse mental health outcomes and greater social decline.
At the time, B.C. was restructuring its health system, promising to replace institutions like Riverview with a regional network of mental health services.
The problem was, that network never fully materialized.
Marina Morrow, a professor at York University’s School of Health Policy and Management who tracked B.C.’s deinstitutionalization process, says the province placed patients in alternative care. But these providers were not always well-equipped to manage psychiatric patients.
“Nobody left Riverview directly to the street,” Morrow said. “But some … might have ended up being homeless over time.”
A 2012 study led by Morrow found that older psychiatric Riverview patients who were relocated to remote regional facilities strained overburdened and ill-equipped staff, leading to poor patient outcomes.
Somers says B.C. abandoned its vision of a robust, community-based system.
“We allowed BC Housing to have responsibility for mental health and addiction housing,” he said. “And no one explained to BC Housing how they ought to best fulfill that responsibility.”
Somers says the province’s reliance on group housing was part of the problem. Group housing isolates residents from broader society, instead of integrating them into a community. A 2013 study by Somers shows people tend to have better outcomes if they get to live in “scattered-site housing,” where tenants live in diverse neighbourhoods while still receiving personalized support.
“All of us … are influenced substantially by where we live, what we do, and who we do things with,” he said.
Somers says a greater investment in community care would have emphasized better housing, nutrition, education, work and social connection. “Those are all way more important than medical care in terms of the health of the population,” he said.
“We closed institutions having no [alternative] functioning model.”
Reinstitutionalization
Despite B.C.’s efforts to deinstitutionalize, the practice of institutionalizing certain patients never truly went away.
“We institutionalize way more people now than we ever did, even at peak Riverview population,” said Laura Johnston, legal director at Health Justice, a B.C. non-profit focused on coercive health laws.
Between 2008 and 2018, involuntary hospitalizations rose nearly 66 per cent, while voluntary admissions remained flat.
In the 2023-24 fiscal year, more than 25,000 individuals were involuntarily hospitalized at acute care facilities, down only slightly from 26,600 the previous year, according to B.C.’s health ministry. These admissions involved about 18,000 unique patients, indicating many individuals were detained more than once.
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In September 2024, a string of high-profile attacks in Vancouver by individuals with histories of mental illness reignited public calls to reopen Riverview Hospital.
That month, B.C. Premier David Eby pledged to further expand involuntary care. Currently, B.C. has 75 designated facilities that can hold individuals admitted under the Mental Health Act. The act permits individuals to be involuntarily detained if they have a mental disorder requiring treatment and are significantly impaired. These existing facilities host about 2,000 beds for involuntary patients.
Eby’s pledge was to add another 400 hospital-based mental health beds, and two new secure care facilities within correctional facilities.
Johnston, of Health Justice, says Eby’s announcement merely continues the same flawed approach. It “[ties] access to services with detention and an involuntary care approach, rather than investing in the voluntary, community-based services that we’re so sorely lacking in B.C.”
Kathryn Embacher, provincial executive director of adult mental health and substance use with BC Mental Health & Substance Use Services, says additional resources are needed to support those with complex needs.
“We continue to work with the provincial government to increase the services we are providing,” Embacher said. “Having enough resources to serve the most seriously ill clients is important to provide access to all clients.”
![]() |
θəqiʔ ɫəwʔənəq leləm’ (the Red Fish Healing Centre for Mental Health and Addiction) is for clients with complex and concurrent mental health and substance use disorders. | BC Mental Health and Substance Use Services website
Inertia
If B.C. wants to avoid repeating the mistakes of its past, it needs to change its approach, sources say.
One concern Johnston has is with Section 32 of the Mental Health Act. Largely unchanged since 1964, it grants broad powers to medical professionals to detain and control patients.
“It grants unchecked authority,” she said.
Data obtained by Health Justice show one in four involuntarily detained patients in B.C. is subjected to seclusion or restraint. And even this figure may understate the problem. B.C. only began reliably tracking its seclusion and restraint practices in 2020, and only collects data on the first three days of detention.
A B.C. health ministry spokesperson told Canadian Affairs that involuntary care is sometimes necessary when individuals in crisis pose a risk to themselves or others.
“It’s in these situations where a patient, who meets very specific criteria, may need to be held involuntarily under the Mental Health Act,” the spokesperson said.
But York University professor Morrow says those “specific criteria” are applied far too broadly. “We have this huge hammer [involuntary care] that sees everything as a nail,” she said. “Involuntary treatment was meant for rare, extreme cases. But that’s not how it’s being used today.”
Morrow advocates for reviving interdisciplinary care that brings psychiatry, psychology and primary care together in community-based settings. She pointed to several promising models, including Toronto’s Gerstein Crisis Centre, which provides community-based crisis services for those with mental health and substance use issues.
Somers sees Alberta’s recovery-oriented model as a potential blueprint. This model prioritizes live-in recovery communities that combine therapeutic support with job training and stable housing, and which permit residents to stay up to one year. Alberta has committed to building 11 such communities across the province.
“They provide people with respite,” Somers said.
“They provide them with the opportunity to practice and gain confidence, waking up each day, going through each day without drugs, seeing other people do it, gaining confidence that they themselves can do it.”
Johnston advocates for safeguards on involuntary treatment.
“There’s nothing in our laws that compels the health system to ensure that they’re offering community-based or voluntary based services wherever possible, and that they are not using involuntary care approaches without exhausting other options,” she said.
“There’s inertia in a system that’s operated this way for so long.”
This article was produced through the Breaking Needles Fellowship Program, which provided a grant to Canadian Affairs, a digital media outlet, to fund journalism exploring addiction and crime in Canada. Articles produced through the Fellowship are co-published by Break The Needle and Canadian Affairs.
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Addictions
Man jailed for trafficking diverted safer supply drugs, sparking fresh debate over B.C. drug policies

Nanaimo drug trafficker’s case is further evidence of safer supply diversion. But some sources say even diverted drugs reduce harm
In early May, 68-year-old Ronald Schilling of Nanaimo, B.C., was sentenced to three years in prison for trafficking street drugs such as fentanyl and meth — as well as government-supplied opioids.
When authorities had arrested Schilling two years earlier, they had found him in possession of more than 80 government-supplied opioid pill bottles labeled with other patients’ names.
Those pills had been dispensed to patients under B.C.’s “prescribed alternatives” program, more commonly known as safer supply. The program aims to reduce overdose deaths by dispensing pharmaceutical opioids to drug users as an alternative to toxic street drugs.
In Schilling, patients of this program had found a drug dealer who was willing to give them harder drugs — such as fentanyl — in exchange for their prescription opioids. Schilling would in turn sell their prescription opioids to others.
“Mr. Schilling preyed upon people who were taking the safe supply drug,” Provincial Court Judge Karen Whonnock said during the sentencing hearing.
Schilling’s case is further evidence that safer supply opioids are making their way to the streets — and having unintended negative consequences. However, some sources say even diverted pills reduce harm if they flood the market with safer drugs.
‘Upside Down’
Schilling, a former charity worker, developed a cocaine addiction after the sudden death of his partner. He ultimately turned to drug trafficking to fund his addiction, according to his lawyer.
In court, the prosecution described Schilling as operating a mid-level drug trafficking scheme that exploited B.C.’s safer supply program.
Schilling coordinated with multiple dealers to source both illicit and prescription drugs, and had at least three individuals working under him. His text messages showed he would arrange to meet clients near Nanaimo’s Outreach Pharmacy to trade potent street drugs for the prescribed medications they had just received.
He operated under the name “Upside Down Inc.” — “down” being a street reference to fentanyl — and had business cards to match. To reassure users that the street drugs were safe, he would have them tested at a local overdose prevention site.
‘Predatory behaviour’
While Schilling’s case is unusual, it adds to the growing body of evidence that provincial safer supply programs are not always being used as intended.
In one example, a B.C. government report released in February revealed that more than 60 pharmacies were involved in a kick-back scheme, offering patients cash or rewards to fill safer supply prescriptions they did not need. Some of those drugs were then sold on the black market.
Collen Middleton, a co-founder of the Nanaimo Area Public Safety Association, refers to safer supply drugs as the “perfect consumer product.”
“They are a product that produces its own demand, because it’s addictive,” said Middleton, whose neighbourhood association is a vocal critic of safer supply.
One of Middleton’s concerns is that safer supply drugs are presented as safe, despite being addictive themselves. He says this makes them an effective gateway to more dangerous street drugs like fentanyl.
“Those drugs are being marketed as safe to kids … [so] you’re bringing more people into using addictive drugs, more abuse, more predatory behaviour toward a vulnerable segment of the population,” he said.
The B.C. Ministry of Health told Canadian Affairs in an emailed statement that it takes the “diversion of prescription medications … very seriously.”
“The unauthorized distribution is illegal and puts the public at risk,” it said.
In response to the B.C. pharmacy scandal, the province tightened its protocols for dispensing prescription opioids. All new and most existing patients must take prescription opioids under the supervision of health-care professionals, a protocol known as witnessed dosing. In rare cases, existing clients may continue to take their doses offsite if the prescriber views the risk of diversion as low.
Mixed evidence
In its statement to Canadian Affairs, B.C.’s health ministry also said its safer supply program “plays an important role in reducing substance use-related harms” and can lower overdose risk by as much as 91 per cent.
This figure comes from a 2024 B.C. study published in the British Medical Journal. That study found individuals prescribed pharmaceutical opioids early in the pandemic were 91 per cent less likely to die from any cause in the week after receiving at least four days of safer supply opioids, compared to a control group.
The study only tracked outcomes during the week following prescription fills. It did not verify whether individuals took the opioids as prescribed.
A study published in April in The Lancet Public Health shows B.C.’s safer supply programs are linked to improved short-term health outcomes, including fewer overdoses and hospital visits.
However, a population-level study in JAMA Health Forum found no significant reduction in overdoses or mortality associated with B.C.’s safer supply and decriminalization policies. It also suggested possible increases in emergency department visits and hospitalizations.
Comprehensive long-term research on the health impacts of Canadian safer supply programs is limited.
Creating a market
Some sources say the diversion of prescription opioids may be less harmful than the alternatives.
“If you could replace [street] drugs with safer pharmaceutical alternatives, people’s needs would be met,” said Perry Kendall, B.C.’s former provincial health officer and a long-time harm reduction advocate.
“They wouldn’t have to turn to the illicit market, and their risk of a toxic drug overdose would be significantly reduced.”
In Kendall’s view, Schilling was in some ways functioning as a harm-reduction worker.
“[Schilling] was kind of offering a harm reduction service, as well as supplying people with the drugs they wanted,” Kendall said.
Kendall’s views are echoed in a 2023 B.C. government review that notes diversion of safer supply drugs to people already at risk of drug poisoning may be beneficial. But the review also acknowledges that diversion to users who would not otherwise use unregulated drugs is harmful.
Still, Kendall acknowledged a fundamental issue: “[Safer supply opioids don’t] really give you the same high [as fentanyl]. So if you can trade [them] to … get what you’re looking for, which is fentanyl, then that’s what you will do.”
Leonard Krog, the mayor of Nanaimo, says it is clear that, within Nanaimo, B.C.’s policies to help drug users are making it easier for dealers to sell their toxic drugs.
“We have a safe injection site next to City Hall, and there’s no question dealers are coming down here and they’re selling their stuff, because the market’s right here,” said Krog.
But Kendall warns that pulling back on decriminalization and safer supply programs creates a dangerous gap.
“The daftest thing you can do is create a market of desperate people and then fail to fill it,” said Kendall. “Somebody’s going to meet those needs — and they’re not going to be law-abiding citizens.”
Krog is unconvinced.
“If we make it easier for the wolves to successfully exploit the sheep, is that a good thing?”
This article was produced through the Breaking Needles Fellowship Program, which provided a grant to Canadian Affairs, a digital media outlet, to fund journalism exploring addiction and crime in Canada. Articles produced through the Fellowship are co-published by Break The Needle and Canadian Affairs.
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