COVID-19
‘Wuhan cover-up’: RFK Jr. exposes Fauci, Gates as ‘frontmen’ for military-medical-industrial complex
Independent presidential candidate Robert F. Kennedy Jr. speaks at RiskOn360! GlobalSuccess Conference at Ahern Hotel and Convention Center on November 20, 2023, in Las Vegas, Nevada.
From LifeSiteNews
Below is the introduction to Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s latest book, ‘The Wuhan Cover-Up: And the Terrifying Bioweapons Arms Race,’ which details how a cartel of run-amok military, intelligence, public health, biopharmaceutical, tech and media interests successfully positioned biosecurity at the forefront of US foreign policy
On my seventh birthday, January 17, 1961 – three days before my uncle, John F. Kennedy, took his oath of office as United States President – his predecessor, President Dwight Eisenhower, appeared on national television to deliver his farewell address, which history increasingly regards as one of the most important and prophetic speeches in American history.
In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.
We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes.
President Eisenhower took special care to include an expanded definition of his term “military-industrial complex” that would include the top bureaucrats at the National Institutes of Health (NIH). Eisenhower warned that the federal government’s rising medical and scientific technocracy posed its own unique threats toward our democracy and freedom.
In this revolution, [scientific/medical] research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government…
Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity…
The prospect of domination of the nation’s scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present and is gravely to be regarded…
[W]e must also be alert to the… danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite.
Eisenhower ended his speech with an admonition that echoes now in rebuke as we emerge from the COVID era that trampled the core principles that had, for 240 years, maintained America as the global exemplar for democracy, constitutional government, and personal freedom.
It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system – ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.
Eisenhower had recognized that America could not be both a democracy at home and an imperial power abroad. But to justify its existence, that cartel would drum up endless wars and emergencies that ensured its own wealth and power while transforming America from an exemplary democracy into a national security state abroad and surveillance state at home.
Seven years later, Dr. Anthony Fauci joined the National Institutes of Health, where he would never face combat. There he began a fifty-year sojourn that would put him at the summit of the nation’s scientific and technological elite, an apex that he would use to militarize and monetize medical research and to consolidate the seamless alliance between government, science, the military and intelligence agencies, and private contractors in ways that would consummate President Eisenhower’s worst nightmares about the threat this cartel posed to democracy.
The cartel would reach its apogee in 2022. As the COVID pandemic commenced, the rising medical technocracy – with Anthony Fauci at the helm – took on all the menacing features President Eisenhower warned against.
A powerful syndicate, composed of government public health technocrats, a rapacious pharmaceutical industry, military and intelligence officials, and media and social media titans, appropriated awesome new powers to override constitutional and civil rights, censor information, suppress dissent, and engineer compliance with arbitrary diktats.
These mandates culminated in mass submission to inoculation with risky, ineffective, shoddily tested, and unlicensed vaccines. And no one is liable for any damage they cause.
Claiming unprecedented new powers as necessary to fight the war against germs, government and industry officials predictably abused them, dealing blows to democracy with no discernible benefits to public health.
Just as the CIA and military apparatus paradoxically profit from war, not peace, the medical cartel and its Big Pharma allies benefit from illness, not health. Dr. Fauci and his cronies amplified this power through an orchestrated propaganda campaign bent on maintaining a level of public terror and germophobia.
The eminent sociologist C. Wright Mills had anticipated Eisenhower’s prescient warning four years earlier in his durable 1956 work, The Power Elite. Since World War II, America had been dominated by “a permanent-war economy,” in the words of the maverick sociologist.
This war establishment maintained its power and profits by creating a constant, free-floating state of anxiety and animosity.
“For the first time in American history, men in authority are talking about an ‘emergency’ without a foreseeable end,” Mills wrote. “Such men as these are crackpot realists: in the name of realism they have constructed a paranoid reality all their own.”
Three days after Eisenhower’s farewell address, on a frozen day in Washington, I sat under a clear sky in a frigid bleacher and watched my uncle, the incoming president, John F. Kennedy, take the oath of office. In his own inaugural in 1933, at the height of a terrifying global depression, JFK’s idol Franklin Delano Roosevelt (FDR) had warned the nation that fear was the most potent tool of totalitarians.
In Europe, despots from the left and right had wielded public fear of the same depression to transform Russia into a communist nation and Italy, Germany, and Spain into fascist totalitarian states. FDR had preserved both capitalism and democracy by a steady hand and confidence that kept fear at bay.
My uncle’s truncated administration would be a three-year battle to secede from the reign of fear. His first bitter battle with his security apparatus occurred three months later during the failed Bay of Pigs invasion. Even as he took public blame for the calamity, he realized that his military brass and CIA panjandrums had lied to him to trick him into allowing an invasion they knew would fail.
Their plan was to trap a young president, faced with this humiliating failure three months into a presidency, into complying with the demands of his Joint Chiefs for a full U.S. invasion of Cuba, something that JFK had vowed never to do.
I chronicled this struggle in my 2018 book, “American Values.” JFK recognized that the CIA’s function was no longer securing U.S. interests. It had devolved into a rogue agency, taking on the implicit ambition of U.S. multinational corporations, including oil companies and Big Agriculture.
In this case, CIA’s partners were Texaco, United Fruit Company, and the American mafia. JFK recognized that the CIA’s essential function was no longer national security but providing the Pentagon and its military contractors a steady pipeline of continuous wars.
In May 1961, now only four months into his presidency, my uncle stood inside the Oval Office telling his closest aide that he wanted to “splinter the CIA in a thousand pieces and scatter it to the winds.” Between November 1961 and February 1962, he fired the agency’s three top officers – Allen Dulles, Charles Cabell, and Richard Bissell.
“American Values” recounts my family’s sixty-year fistfight with that agency. Today, powerful pharmaceutical companies have joined Big Oil as the engine of U.S. foreign policy, and U.S. intelligence is still playing the same insidious role.
This book explores that history.
My 2021 book, “The Real Anthony Fauci: Bill Gates, Big Pharma, and the Global War on Democracy and Public Health,” also examines the rise of the biosecurity agenda and the remarkable alliance between Western public health regulators, military and intelligence agencies, and odd allies at the apex of the Chinese military in creating the bugs that cause pandemics and crafting responses that have advanced the agenda of a security and surveillance state.
Their efforts hide the shadowy influences of these puppeteers who manipulated every feature of the pandemic. The coordination of these forces is nowhere more evident than in their orchestration of the cover-up of the origins of the COVID bug.
The biosecurity agenda – Pandemic Preparedness and Response (PPR), as it is euphemistically called – is the organizing principle of the post–Cold War military-industrial complex – or, more accurately, the military/medical-industrial complex.
CIA and Pentagon planners played key roles in a series of over a dozen tabletop simulations, beginning in 1999, that served as secret training exercises for tens of thousands of U.S. officials and foreign leaders in responding to global pandemics with a series of authoritarian “countermeasures” that function as a coup d’état against democratic and constitutional rights.
This syndicate includes the Pentagon and intelligence apparatus, pharmaceutical companies, traditional media and social media platforms, and Big Data – which all have incestuous financial entanglements with each other that drive clear but perverse incentives to develop and periodically release infectious bioweapons and reap profits and power from the response.
Anthony Fauci and billionaire Bill Gates became the visible faces of pandemic response, but in this book I expose them as frontmen for a much larger enterprise: a military/medical-industrial complex driven by elements within the CIA and Pentagon, which – even more than Anthony Fauci – contributed to creating the COVID-19 coronavirus in a Chinese lab, dictated the official countermeasures, managed and controlled the vaccine rollout, and managed the cover-up of the source.
Hiding their role in the creation of the COVID-19 coronavirus is critical because its exposure would reveal the corruption and the players. It is their Achilles’ heel.
This article was originally published by The Defender — Children’s Health Defense’s News & Views Website under Creative Commons license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0. Please consider subscribing to The Defender or donating to Children’s Health Defense.
From the Brownstone Institute
Robert F. Kennedy, Jr.’s confirmation as the Secretary of Health and Human Services in the US is the ultimate repudiation of the Covid policy response.
The scheme of lockdown-until-vaccination was the biggest effort of government and industry on a global scale on historical record. It was all designed to transfer wealth to winning industries (pharma, online retail, streaming services, online education), divide and conquer the population, and consolidate power in the administrative state.
By 2021, RFK, Jr., had emerged as the world’s most vocal, erudite, and knowledgeable critic of the scheme. In two brilliant books – The Real Anthony Fauci and The Wuhan Cover-Up – he documented the entire enterprise and dated the evolution of the pandemic industry from its postwar inception to the present. There was simply no way to read these books and think about the corporatist cabal in the same way.
The circumstances that led to his appointment at HHS are themselves implausible and remarkable. Perceiving President Biden to be a weak candidate – one who had forced masks and shots on the population and brutally censored tech and media – he decided to make a run for president, presuming that there would be an open primary. There wasn’t one, so he was forced into an independent run.
That effort was chewed up by the usual political dynamic that befalls every third-party effort – too many ballot-access barriers plus the usual logic of Duverger’s law. That left the campaign in a difficult spot. At the same time, two huge political shifts had become clear. The Democratic Party had become a vessel and a front mainly for the administrative state with a veneer of woke ideology, while the Republican Party was being taken over by refugees from the Democrats, in effect creating a new Trump party out of the remnants of the other two.
The rest is legendary. Trump linked up with Elon Musk to do to the federal government what he did when he took over Twitter, taking the company private, gutting the place of embedded federal assets, and firing 4 out of 5 workers. In the midst of this, and faced with a terrifying flurry of legal attacks, Trump dodged an assassin’s bullet. That triggered terrible memories of RFK, Jr.’s father and uncle, and thus sparked discussions about coming together.
Within a matter of weeks, we had a new coalition that brought together old antagonists, as many people and groups seemingly in the same instant realized their conjoined interests in cleaning up the corporatist cartel. With the newly freed platform of X to reach the public, MAGA/MAHA/DOGE was born.
Trump won and chose RFK, Jr., to lead the most powerful public health agency in the world. The barrier was Senate confirmation, but that was achieved through some incredible triangulation that made it extremely difficult to vote no.
In the big picture, you can measure the size of this titanic shift in American politics by the way the votes in the Senate lined up. All Republicans but one voted for the most prominent scion of the Democratic Party to head the health empire while all Democrats voted no. That alone is striking, and a testament to the power of the pharma lobby, which, during the hearings, was exposed as the hidden hand behind the most passionate opponents of the confirmation.
Is our nightmare over? Not yet. Writing not even a month into the second presidential term of Donald Trump, it is still unclear just how much authority he truly exercises over the sprawling executive branch. For that matter, no one can even agree on how large this branch is: between 2.2 million and 3 million employees and somewhere between 400 and 450 agencies. The financial bleed in this realm is unthinkable and far worse than even the biggest cynic can imagine.
Five former secretaries of the Treasury took to the pages of the New York Times with a shocking claim. “The nation’s payment system has historically been operated by a very small group of nonpartisan career civil servants.” This has included a career employee called “fiscal assistant secretary—a post that for the prior eight decades had been reserved exclusively for civil servants to ensure impartiality and public confidence in the handling and payment of federal funds.”
There is no reason even to read between the lines. What this means is that no person voted into office by the people and no one appointed by such a person has access to the federal books since 1946. This is startling beyond belief. No owner of any company would ever tolerate being barred from the accounting offices and payment systems. And no company can offer any public stock without independent audits and open books.
And yet almost 80 years have gone by during which time neither has been true for this gigantic enterprise called the federal government. That means that $193 trillion has been spent by an institution that has never faced granulated oversight from the people and never met the normal demands that every enterprise faces every day.
The usual habit in Washington has been to treat every elected leader and their appointments as temporary and transitory marionettes, people who come and go and disturb little to nothing about the normal operations of government. This new administration seems to have every intention to change that but the job is inconceivably challenging. As much public support as MAGA/MAHA/DOGE enjoy for now, and as many people from those groups are getting embedded in the power structure, they are outnumbered and outmaneuvered by millions of agents of the old order.
This transition will not be easy if it happens at all.
The inertia of the old order is mighty. Even on the issue of health and pandemics, there is already confusion. CBS News has reported that Fauci-loyalist and mRNA pusher Gerald Parker will head the White House Office of Pandemic Preparedness and Response or OPPR. The report cited only unnamed “health officials” and the appointment has been celebrated by Scott Gottlieb, the Pfizer board member who nudged Trump into backing lockdowns in 2020.
All the while, this appointment has not been confirmed by the White House. We do not know if OPPR, created by Congressional charter, will even be funded. The reporter will not reveal his sources – raising the question of why any appointment having to do with health should be surrounded by such cloak-and-dagger machinations.
If Dr. Parker becomes ensconced in this position and another health emergency is declared, this time for Bird flu, HHS and Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., will not be in any kind of decision-making position at all.
The larger problems have to do with a broader question: is the president really in charge of the executive branch? Can he hire and fire? Can he spend money or decline to spend money? Can he set policy for the agencies?
One might suppose that the whole answer to these questions can be found in Article 2, Section 1: “The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America.” And yet that sentence was written almost 100 years before Congress created this thing called the “civil service” that nowhere appears in the Constitution. This fourth branch has grown in size and power to swamp both the presidency and the legislature.
Courts are going to have to sort this out, and already an avalanche of lawsuits has hit the new administration for daring to presume control over agencies and their activities of which the president is and must necessarily be held accountable. Lower federal courts seem to be demanding that the president be that in name only, while the Supreme Court might have a different opinion.
The much-ballyhooed “constitutional crisis” consists of nothing other than an attempt to reassert the original constitutional design of government.
This is the background template in which RFK, Jr., takes power at HHS, and oversees all the sub-agencies. These agencies played a huge role in covering for the attack on liberty and rights over five years. His confirmation is a symbolic repudiation of the most egregious public policies on record. And yet, the repudiation is entirely implicit: there has been no commission, no admission of error, no one truly held responsible, and no real accountability.
The trajectory on which we find ourselves affords many reasons for champagne celebrations, but sober up quickly. There is a very long way to go and enormous barriers in place to get us to the point that we are really safe again from the marauding corporatist/statist complex and their plots and schemes to rob the public of rights and liberties. In the meantime, to invoke a common phrase, keep these new appointees in your thoughts and prayers.
Author
Quick Hit:
Dr. Lawrence A. Tabak, the No. 2 at the National Institutes of Health (NIH) who served as acting director during the COVID-19 pandemic, has abruptly resigned. His departure follows a broader shakeup at the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) under President Donald Trump’s administration.
Key Details:
- Tabak, 73, spent 25 years at the NIH, serving as the agency’s principal deputy director since 2010 and acting director during the COVID-19 pandemic.
- He was heavily scrutinized by Republicans for his role in pandemic-related decision-making and congressional probes into the origins of COVID-19.
- His resignation comes amid Trump’s restructuring of HHS, with potential firings and budget cuts within the agency.
Diving Deeper:
Dr. Lawrence A. Tabak, the longtime No. 2 at the National Institutes of Health (NIH), has abruptly resigned from government service, effective February 11, 2025. Tabak, who served as acting director of the NIH during key periods—including the COVID-19 pandemic—announced his departure in an internal email to staff earlier this week. His resignation letter did not provide an explanation for his decision to step down.
The timing of Tabak’s exit coincides with a significant shakeup at the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), the NIH’s parent agency, under President Donald Trump’s leadership. Reports suggest that the administration is implementing budget cuts and potential mass firings within the agency, aligning with Trump’s broader efforts to overhaul Washington’s bureaucratic institutions.
Tabak was a key figure during the pandemic, frequently appearing alongside Dr. Anthony Fauci and former NIH Director Dr. Francis Collins in congressional hearings. Republican lawmakers repeatedly grilled him over the agency’s handling of COVID-19 policies, including controversial guidance on lockdowns, vaccine mandates, and research funding linked to the Wuhan Institute of Virology.
He also played a role in shaping the early COVID-19 origin narrative. GOP-led investigations revealed that Tabak was part of a confidential call with Fauci, Collins, and other prominent scientists in early 2020—an event that critics argue helped suppress the lab-leak theory. House Republicans have accused Tabak and his colleagues of slow-walking the release of documents related to gain-of-function research.
Under normal circumstances, Tabak would have likely resumed his role as acting director until a new NIH leader was confirmed. However, the Biden-era holdover was bypassed in favor of Dr. Matthew Memoli, a former researcher at the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases and a known critic of COVID-19 vaccine mandates.
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