Connect with us
[the_ad id="89560"]

Business

Trudeau’s Delusion Meets Trump’s Tariffs: 25% Hit on Canada and Mexico Could Cripple Economies Overnight!

Published

17 minute read

The Opposition with Dan Knight

In a fiery Truth Social post on November 25th, Donald Trump made his position crystal clear: the days of open borders, unchecked drug smuggling, and illegal immigration are over. The president-elect, set to take office in January, declared that one of his first actions as commander-in-chief will be to slap a 25% tariff on all goods from Mexico and Canada until both nations “use their absolute right and power” to stop the flow of drugs and illegal immigrants into the United States.

The Trump Doctrine Returns

This announcement serves as a bold reminder of Trump’s “America First” strategy, which dominated his first presidency. According to Trump, the current state of the U.S.-Mexico border is a “national emergency,” with caravans from Mexico allegedly bringing record levels of drugs like fentanyl and waves of illegal migrants. Canada isn’t off the hook either, as Trump accuses Justin Trudeau’s government of maintaining what he calls “ridiculous open borders” that have contributed to the crisis.

“Both Mexico and Canada have the absolute right and power to easily solve this long-simmering problem,” Trump stated. “Until such time that they do, it is time for them to pay a very big price!”

Economic Weapons Locked and Loaded

The proposed tariffs are no small matter. A 25% import tax on goods from Canada and Mexico could cripple their export-driven economies, both of which are heavily reliant on U.S. trade:

  • Mexico: Over 80% of its exports head to the U.S. A 25% tariff would devastate industries like auto manufacturing, agriculture, and electronics.
  • Canada: With 75% of exports destined for the U.S., Canadian businesses are bracing for significant disruptions to key sectors, including energy and auto parts.

Experts warn that these tariffs would also raise prices for American consumers. But Trump’s post signals he’s unfazed by potential backlash. “It’s time for these countries to pay a very big price,” he declared, echoing his tough-on-trade rhetoric from the 2016 campaign trail.

The Bureau – Canada’s Role in the Fentanyl Epidemic

 

According to The Bureau, U.S. investigators have uncovered a direct connection between Canadian cities—particularly Toronto and Vancouver—and transnational fentanyl money-laundering networks. These networks, allegedly run by Triads with ties to Beijing, are laundering cash for Mexican cartels smuggling fentanyl precursors from China.

David Asher, a former Trump administration official and DEA consultant, didn’t mince words in his interview with The Bureau. He stated that U.S. intelligence points to Canada as the “command and control” hub for these networks, which have fueled the devastating fentanyl crisis.

“When we seized their phones, we’d see Canada light up like a Christmas tree,” Asher said, highlighting how Toronto and British Columbia play central roles in these operations.

Canada’s Tariff Crisis: The Numbers Don’t Lie

 

Let’s dig into the cold, hard facts, courtesy of the Canadian Chamber of Commerce, and they’re downright devastating. Trump’s proposed tariffs aren’t just a political statement—they’re an economic wrecking ball aimed squarely at Canada’s most vulnerable industries. For Justin Trudeau’s government and hapless premiers like David Eby, these numbers are a brutal wake-up call.

The Trade Dependency Trap

Canada’s economic lifeblood is deeply tied to the United States, with 41% of Ontario’s GDP and a staggering two-thirds of New Brunswick’s GDP linked to cross-border trade. And it’s not just Canada feeling the squeeze—states like Michigan (14% GDP dependency) and Illinois (10.2%) rely heavily on Canadian trade.

The kicker? Nearly 63% of Canadian exports to the U.S. are intermediate inputs, meaning they’re critical components for American manufacturing. Canada isn’t just exporting products; it’s exporting the gears that keep U.S. industries turning.

Energy and Autos: The Collateral Damage

Consider this: in the first half of 2024 alone, Canada exported $85 billion in energy and $40 billion in auto parts to the U.S. A 25% tariff would obliterate these sectors, dragging down both economies in the process. And while Trudeau and his team posture about “standing united,” it’s clear their lack of preparation will only deepen the pain for Canadians.

Tariff Fallout: A National Recession Looms

The numbers paint a grim picture: a 25% tariff would deliver a 2.6% GDP decline annually for Canada, costing the average Canadian $2,000 CAD per year in lost income. Add in retaliatory tariffs, and this spirals into a full-blown recession, with cascading impacts on productivity, supply chains, and jobs.

  • Auto/Transport Exports: Down 10 percentage points.
  • Basic Metals Exports: Down 9 percentage points.
  • Chemicals and Paper Products: Exports drop by 8% and 7%, respectively.
  • Overall Sector Decline: A staggering 22 percentage points for critical industries.

Meanwhile, cross-border investment—once a pillar of Canada-U.S. relations—is under threat. Canadian investments in the U.S. total $1.1 trillion, but a tariff war risks destabilizing these flows and gutting the broader economic relationship.

Last Weeks Spin Piece from the Canadian Press

As we look at the fallout from Trump’s 25% tariff announcement, let’s take a moment to laugh at this spin piece from the Canadian Press that came out just last week. The article tried to paint a picture of Canada’s Foreign Affairs Minister Mélanie Joly claiming that Donald Trump’s return to the White House has somehow boosted Canada’s influence on the world stage. Yes, you heard that right—Canada, the same country with open borders, an overreliance on U.S. trade, and a prime minister whose leadership is about as effective as a broken clock, is supposedly advising the world on how to handle Trump.

Joly boldly declared from the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in Lima, “No country understands the United States better than Canada.” According to her, nations are lining up to learn from Canada’s experience with Trump, as though Trudeau and his team have some masterclass on navigating Trump’s policies. Fast forward to today, with Trump poised to slam Canada with tariffs that could destroy their economy, and the absurdity of this claim is glaring.

This narrative that Canada is a calm, steady hand amid Trump’s return is nothing more than a fantasy. While Joly and Trudeau were hobnobbing at summits, Trump was gearing up to deliver real consequences. His 25% tariff on Canadian imports isn’t hypothetical—it’s a financial wrecking ball aimed at an economy that relies on U.S. trade for survival. Energy exports, autos, and agriculture—the pillars of Canada’s economy—will take a direct hit. But instead of preparing for this, Joly was busy spinning a tale of Canada’s supposed “influence.”

And let’s not forget what Joly was selling in that article. “Canada’s influence is actually increasing because of the impacts that the world is now facing with the new administration.” Increasing? On what planet? Trump’s tariffs make it clear that Canada isn’t leading anything; it’s scrambling to react.

The article also floated the idea that Trudeau was in a “privileged position” because of his past dealings with Trump. Let’s recall how that went, shall we? Trudeau was caught mocking Trump on a hot mic during a G7 summit, embarrassing himself and the country in front of world leaders. His government barely held onto a renegotiated NAFTA—now the USMCA—that Trump rewrote to suit America’s interests. If this is the kind of experience Trudeau brings to the table, it’s no wonder Canada is in trouble.

Meanwhile, the Canadian Press tries to prop up Trudeau as some staunch defender of “rules-based trade,” as though those rules mean anything when Trump has the leverage to rewrite them. Joly spoke about sending “clear messages” to Beijing, yet Trump’s tariff threats expose just how little Canada has done to address the very issues Trump is targeting. Let’s not forget The Bureau’s report on Canada’s role in fentanyl money laundering, with Toronto and Vancouver lighting up as command centers for Triads laundering cash from Mexican cartels. Canada’s failures are part of the problem Trump is confronting.

And here’s the kicker: as of today, neither Trudeau nor Joly has made a peep about Trump’s tariff announcement. No tweets, no press statements, no leadership—just silence. So much for being the world’s go-to expert on Trump. Canada’s leaders are AWOL while Trump tightens the economic screws.

While our beloved PM is silent, Jagmeet Singh, ever the opportunist, couldn’t resist wading into the chaos with his usual brand of hollow theatrics. “Stand up and fight like hell,” he bellowed at Justin Trudeau on Twitter, as though anyone has ever mistaken Singh for a warrior of any kind. Let’s be honest—Singh’s idea of “fighting like hell” probably involves drafting another toothless motion in Parliament or throwing shade on social media while offering zero solutions. This is the same guy who props up Trudeau’s government with his NDP-Liberal supply-and-confidence deal, enabling the very weakness he’s now trying to criticize. Spare us the tough talk, Jagmeet. Bootlicking Trudeau one day and grandstanding the next doesn’t exactly scream credibility.

And as for Trudeau and Mélanie Joly? Their performance over the last week has been nothing short of delusional. While Trump was setting the stage to unleash a 25% tariff that could dismantle Canada’s economy, Trudeau was busy posturing at international summits and snapping photos with global elites. Joly, for her part, claimed that Trump’s return to power somehow boosted Canada’s global influence—because apparently being a punching bag now counts as diplomacy.

This isn’t global influence; it’s global irrelevance. The Trudeau government spent the last week basking in delusion while Trump was preparing to drop the hammer. And now the clock has run out. Stay tuned—because while Trudeau dithers and Singh flails, the reckoning is here.

Final Thoughts

Trump campaigned on a clear and powerful message: tariffs are a weapon to protect American workers and restore national sovereignty. And, folks, he wasn’t wrong. Sure, input costs might rise. Sure, a few elites will clutch their pearls as their profits shrink. But this isn’t about them. This is about something bigger. It’s about standing up for the forgotten workers in Michigan, Ohio, and Wisconsin who’ve watched their livelihoods vanish thanks to decades of globalist betrayal. Trump’s message is loud and clear: no more one-sided trade deals, no more globalist bull. America comes first.

And what about Canada? What has Justin Trudeau done? He’s alienated an entire nation while dividing our own country with his disastrous, virtue-signaling policies. Trudeau doesn’t just dislike the West—he actively works against it. The West pays the bills in this country, folks. Alberta’s oil sands, Saskatchewan’s agriculture, and British Columbia’s resources prop up this nation’s economy. And how does Trudeau repay them? By demonizing their industries, their workers, and their very way of life to appease his climate cult.

While Trudeau struts on the world stage preaching green fantasies, the West bears the cost. It’s their jobs, their industries, and their communities that are hollowed out to fund his carbon tax schemes. Now, with Trump’s tariffs about to slam Canada’s economy, the true cost of Trudeau’s failures is finally coming home to roost.

How can Canada face this crisis when our so-called leader is more concerned with photo ops, platitudes, and meaningless “climate leadership” than standing up for our country? Trudeau has alienated our most important trading partner, antagonized the West, and is now leaving us unprepared for a showdown with Trump’s America.

Let’s look at the facts. Canada is at odds with China, embroiled in a cold war with India, and now staring down Trump’s tariffs. Every move Trudeau makes puts us further into isolation, weaker and more vulnerable. So here’s the question: can we really afford another year of this man at the helm?

The Trudeau government has run out of excuses, out of allies, and now, out of time. This isn’t just about whether Canada can survive Trump’s tariffs. It’s about whether we can survive another year of Justin Trudeau’s leadership. The reckoning is here, and Canada deserves better.

Subscribe to The Opposition with Dan Knight .

For the full experience, upgrade your subscription.

Business

Is affirming existing, approved projects truly the best we can do in Canada?

Published on

From Resource Works

By

For major projects, what is old is new again

Prime Minister Mark Carney’s second wave of “nation-building projects” sounds transformative: six new energy and mining proposals, plus a northern corridor, added to the first tranche unveiled in September, and included in the freshly passed federal budget for the fiscal year.

Together, Ottawa says, they amount to more than $116 billion in investment and are central to “realizing Canada’s full potential as an energy superpower.” That is the pitch in the federal news release.

Look closely, though, and a different picture emerges. For major projects, what is old is new again. Almost every file now being “fast-tracked” was already on the books, sometimes for a decade or more.

The new referrals to the Major Projects Office (MPO) are all familiar: the Nisga’a-led Ksi Lisims LNG terminal on B.C.’s north coast; BC Hydro’s North Coast Transmission Line; Canada Nickel’s Crawford project near Timmins; Nouveau Monde Graphite’s Matawinie mine north of Montréal; Northcliff’s Sisson tungsten project in New Brunswick; and the Inuit-owned Iqaluit Nukkiksautiit hydro project in Nunavut. The “Northwest Critical Conservation Corridor” in B.C. and the Yukon is added as a long-range concept.

Long timelines and longstanding obstacles

None of these is a fresh idea. As the Globe and Mail notes in a project-by-project rundown, Ksi Lisims has been in development for years and already faces two Federal Court challenges from nearby First Nations and opposition from Wet’suwet’en hereditary leaders who fought Coastal GasLink. The North Coast Transmission Line was identified in 2023, with B.C. legislation to fast-track it and term-sheet co-ownership deals with First Nations already in place. The Sisson mine has been stalled at the pre-construction stage for more than a decade, despite earlier approvals and new public money to update its feasibility study.

Iqaluit hydro is hardly a novelty either. As Globe reporting shows, dam concepts near the city have been studied since the mid-2000s, with the current Inuit-owned proposal building on that earlier work and backed by federal engineering funds. The Crawford nickel project was acquired in 2019 and has spent years lining up investors and a complex financing stack, documented in both CBC and Financial Post coverage. Matawinie received its Quebec authorization in 2021, has an impact-benefit agreement with the local Atikamekw Nation and now enjoys federal price-floor guarantees on graphite.

The first tranche, announced in September, follows the same pattern. LNG Canada Phase 2 in Kitimat, new nuclear at Darlington, Contrecoeur container capacity at the Port of Montréal, McIlvenna Bay in Saskatchewan and the Red Chris expansion in B.C. were all in various stages of planning long before Carney entered office. The MPO is not inventing a new project pipeline; it is trying to accelerate the one Ottawa already had.

Acceleration is the point — and industry welcomes it

Acceleration is, to be fair, the point. The Calgary-based MPO, led by former Trans Mountain head Dawn Farrell, is designed to run permits in parallel, not one after another, and to coordinate financing through bodies like the Canada Infrastructure Bank and Canada Growth Fund. Farrell told CBC that work which might have taken “five or six more years” could be cut to roughly two. In a country where large projects regularly die of regulatory exhaustion, that is significant.

Industry likes the signal. Canada Nickel CEO Mark Selby says MPO referral “puts us in the fast lane,” even without the more controversial “national interest” label in Bill C-5 that would allow cabinet to set aside parts of the Fisheries Act, Species at Risk Act or Impact Assessment Act. Inuit proponents of the Iqaluit project welcome Carney’s description of their hydro plan as a breakthrough for Arctic sovereignty, replacing millions of litres of diesel.

But a superpower strategy this is not

Still, if this is what becoming an “energy superpower” looks like, it is a modest start.

Notably absent from Carney’s list is any new oil pipeline. Alberta Premier Danielle Smith has spent months pushing a concept for a bitumen pipeline from the oil sands to the northern B.C. coast, doing provincial groundwork in the hope a private proponent will one day take it over. A BBC report sets out the feud with B.C. Premier David Eby, who dismisses the idea as “fictional” and “political” and insists no company wants it, accusing Smith of jeopardizing B.C.’s LNG ambitions. Smith has called that stance “un-Canadian.”

Western frustration is growing. In the National Post, Whitecap Resources chief executive Grant Fagerheim warns of “fury from Alberta and Saskatchewan” if a pipeline to tidewater is never prioritized and argues producers are tired of a U.S.-dominated system where Canadian barrels sell at a discount while others capture the margins. He favours an energy corridor carrying oil, gas, power and rail, not just more rhetoric about nation-building.

Northern ambitions lag behind rhetoric

Another gap is the North. The Indigenous-led Arctic Gateway partnership, Manitoba and Ottawa are already spending heavily on the Hudson Bay Railway and planning new storage and loading systems to expand the Port of Churchill for grain, potash, critical minerals and Arctic resupply. Carney talks up a “huge host of opportunities” in northern Manitoba, but Churchill sits only on the MPO’s lower-profile “transformative strategies” list, with a full plan now pushed out to 2026.

Meanwhile, the one project that has fundamentally shifted Canada’s oil export position is the long-delayed Trans Mountain expansion. As Resource Works points out, TMX now sends diluted bitumen from Burnaby to Asia, shrinking the old “captive discount” and giving Canada genuine leverage in global markets. But TMX predates Carney’s government by more than a decade and only exists because Ottawa nationalized a struggling private pipeline to get it built.

Evolution, not revolution

Carney’s major-projects push is real, and for the companies involved, the prospect of faster permits and clearer federal backing is very good news. Yet for a government that talks about mobilizing a trillion dollars and remaking Canada as an energy superpower, the current list is evolutionary rather than revolutionary. For now, Ottawa is mostly trying to build what was already on the drawing board. The tougher choices on pipelines, ports and interprovincial trade still lie in front of it.

Headline photo credit to THE CANADIAN PRESS/Adrian Wyld

Continue Reading

Business

Taxpayers paying wages and benefits for 30% of all jobs created over the last 10 years

Published on

From the Fraser Institute

By Jason Childs

From 2015 to 2024, the government sector in Canada—including federal, provincial and municipal—added 950,000 jobs, which accounted for roughly 30 per cent of total employment growth in the country, finds a new study published today by the Fraser Institute, an independent, non-partisan Canadian public policy think-tank.

“In Canada, employment in the government sector has skyrocketed over the last 10 years,” said Jason Childs, a professor of economics at the University of Regina, senior fellow at the Fraser Institute and author of Examining the Growth of Public-Sector Employment Since 2015.

Over the same 10-year period (2015-2024), government-sector employment grew at an annual average rate of 2.7 per cent compared to only 1.7 per cent for the private sector. The study also examines employment growth by province. Government employment (federal, provincial, municipal) grew at a higher annual rate than the private sector in every province except Manitoba over the 10-year period.

The largest gaps between government-sector employment growth compared to the private sector were in Newfoundland and Labrador, New Brunswick, Quebec and British Columbia. The smallest gaps were in Alberta and Prince Edward Island.
“The larger government’s share of employment, the greater the ultimate burden on taxpayers to support government workers—government does not pay for itself,” Childs said.

A related study (Measuring the Cost to Canadians from the Growth in Public Administration, also authored by Childs) finds that, from 2015 to 2024, across all levels of government in Canada, the number of public administrators (many of who
work in government ministries, agencies and other offices that do not directly provide services to the public) grew by more than 328,000—or 3.5 per cent annually (on average).

“If governments want to reduce costs, they should look closely at the size of their public administration,” Childs said.

Examining the Growth of Public Sector Employment Since 2015

  • The public sector in Canada added 950,000 jobs between 2015 and 2024. This accounted for roughly 30% of all employment gains.
  • Public sector employment as a share of total employment has grown from 19.7% in 2015 to 21.5% in 2024. Moreover, public sector employment grew at an annual average rate of 2.7% per year, while private sector employment grew at 1.7% per year.
  • In all provinces except Manitoba, public sector employment growth outpaced private sector employment growth, exerting increased pressure on government finances.
  • There is significant variation among provinces in the scale of public sector employment. In Atlantic Canada, public sector employment now represents nearly 30% of all employment. In Alberta, the public sector accounted for 18.0% of all employment in 2024.
  • Public administration has grown even faster than overall public sector employment since 2015. There were 328,200 more public administrators in 2024 than there were in 2015. This accounts for almost one-third of the growth in Canadian public sector employment, and for 10% of all net new employment.
  • In 2015, public administration accounted for 5.4% of all employment. That rose to 6% by 2024.
  • The trend toward sustained strong public sector employment growth is worrisome given Canada’s weak productivity and persistent deficits by both provinces and the federal government. The size of the broad public sector workforce will have to shrink, both absolutely and relative to overall Canadian employment.

Jason Childs

Continue Reading

Trending

X