Frontier Centre for Public Policy
Public opposition in Regina halts Dewdney Avenue renaming as Kamloops mass grave allegations unravel
From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy
By Lee Harding
Three years after taking down a statue of Canada’s first Prime Minister, Regina decides not to change street named after a far more controversial historical figure.
In a sign of the times, the same City of Regina that removed a statue of John A. MacDonald has just preserved the name of former Indian Commissioner Edgar Dewdney.
Dewdney, a Conservative MP under MacDonald, became Indian Commissioner of the North-West Territories in 1879 and was named Lieutenant Governor of the territory in 1881. He served in both positions until 1888. He was, briefly, the Minister of Indian Affairs before being appointed Lieutenant- Governor of British Columbia.
It was Dewdney who decided to move the territorial capital from Battleford to Wascana in 1882, later renamed Regina. He also moved the North-West Mounted Police headquarters to Regina from Fort Walsh: the fact that Dewdney had land nearby was likely not coincidental.
In 1883, Dewdney wrote to MacDonald to back the 1879 Davin Report in support of residential industrial schools, saying they “might be carried on with great advantage to the Indians.” The Davin Report, written by Nicholas Flood Davin, a journalist and politician, was commissioned by the Canadian government to provide recommendations on the establishment of residential schools for Indigenous children.
Despite this enormous contribution to Regina and Canadian history, Regina city councillors Andrew Stevens and Dan LeBlanc made a motion last May to remove Dewdney’s name from a street, park, and public pool.
The prospects seemed good. After all, the city of Regina decided to remove the statue of Sir John A. Macdonald from Victoria Park in 2021, primarily due to his role in the creation of Canada’s residential school system.
Dewdney was neither a father of Confederation nor a prime minister but is often viewed as a more controversial figure in Canadian history. He actively supported the residential school system, believing it to be more effective than day schools in breaking the influence of Indigenous families and communities. His policies were designed to assimilate Indigenous children by separating them from their cultural roots.
He refused to allocate certain lands promised to Indigenous communities under treaty agreements. He also withheld food rations, which were crucial during times of famine, using them as leverage to force Indigenous bands to relocate further north, where the government wanted them to settle. These actions contributed to widespread suffering and are part of his contentious legacy.
Yet on August 21, by a vote of seven to three, Regina city council refused to rename the 12-km Dewdney Avenue. Ward 10 councillor Jason Mancinelli said the change would cause too much hassle for businesses and people on the street.
Mayor Sandra Masters, who is seeking re-election, estimated that renaming Dewdney Avenue could cost around $350,000. She argued that this amount could be better spent on other priorities in the city.
“There are other things we could invest in that wouldn’t be as divisive,” she said.
So, what changed between 2021 and now?
In 2021, the city removed Macdonald’s statue following a brief, one-sided consultation shortly after the Kamloops Residential School mass grave allegations. At the time, ground-penetrating radar suggested potential burial sites, prompting widespread reactions across Canada.
Three years later, the investigation into the allegations, at a cost of $8 million, has yet to uncover any bodies. Some experts suggest that soil disturbances detected by the scans might have been caused by shallow trenches dug for a septic field back in 1924 rather than unmarked graves as initially alleged.
In contrast, Regina introduced the issue of renaming Dewdney Avenue in May and held presentations in June of this year, long after the Kamloops allegations started to unravel. The decision on the name change was delayed long enough for those opposed to speak up. Apparently, the suggested replacement name Tatanka – the Cree word for bison – did not seem to resonate with many of those opposed to the renaming.
The takeaway from these two outcomes is clear: rushed decisions can lead to unintended consequences, while a more thoughtful, measured approach ensures that choices are better informed and more beneficial to the community.
Lee Harding is a Research Fellow at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy
COVID-19
Will We Fall For The Same Old PCR Tricks Again?
From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy
By John Carpay
As with the number of COVID-19 “cases,” the number of “Covid deaths” proclaimed by politicians, government health officials and government-funded media is also based on highly unreliable PCR testing, using an undisclosed number of cycles.
Fool me once, shame on you. Fool me twice, shame on me. How long will Canadians continue falling for the same media tricks that they fell for during the years of lockdowns and vaccine passports?
“Alberta’s COVID-19 death toll more than 4 times higher than flu over past year,” exclaimed the CBC on September 9. This was followed two days later by Global News exclaiming: “New Alberta COVID data highlights value of getting newly formulated vaccine once available: expert.”
These media stories claim there were 23,933 COVID-19 “cases” in the past year, with 6,070 people hospitalized “for COVID.” Media claim that 732 Albertans died of COVID-19 during the past year, compared to 177 from the flu. University of Calgary professor Craig Jenne describes this as “continual evidence that COVID-19 is not just another flu” and laments that viruses “continue to take lives at a really unacceptable rate.”
It’s the same narrative that we were fed in 2020 and the years that followed: creating and then maintaining unfounded fear of COVID-19. This unnecessarily high level of fear, in turn, generated support for the violations of our Charter freedoms of association, expression, religion, conscience, mobility, and peaceful assembly, and the right to choose freely what will or will not be injected into our bodies.
What is missing from these stories by government-funded media is significant and relevant.
Firstly, government-funded media make no mention of the number of cycles used in the PCR (polymerase chain reaction) testing that was used to generate these 23,933 so-called “cases” of COVID-19.
The percentage of people testing “positive” for COVID-19 by way of the PCR test depends on the number of times that a viral remnant in a person’s nose or throat is doubled (amplified). If a COVID-19 viral remnant is amplified 40 times, almost everyone will test positive for COVID-19. Conversely, if that very same viral remnant is amplified only 20 times, very few people will test positive for COVID-19. The PCR test does not and cannot determine whether someone is sick with COVID-19, or a spreader of COVID-19.
As explained by expert witness Dr. Joel Kettner in Gateway v. Manitoba:[1] “the outcome of a PCR test depends on Cycle thresholds (Ct), which is the number of cycles of amplification needed to strengthen a weak signal, so as to enable the identification of the amino acid sequence of the virus being tested for. The higher the Ct to obtain a positive signal, the lower the volume of genetic material in the sample.”[2]
In the same court case, expert witness Dr. Jay Bhattacharya explained that the unavoidable errors in PCR testing render the PCR test unfit for public health decision-making: “A reliance on a test that is run up to 40 cycles, (or any number of cycles higher than 30) — is certain to produce a very large proportion of false positive outcomes. Lockdowns that are imposed on the basis of ‘case’ counts derived from PCR tests will be only marginally related to the threat posed by the spread of the SARS-CoV-2 virus.”
Neither Alberta Health Services nor the media will inform the public about how many times a viral remnant was doubled to generate these 23,933 “cases” of COVID-19. A large but willfully undisclosed number of these COVID-19 “cases” pertain to people who are not sick with COVID-19 and not spreading COVID-19. This includes large numbers of people who have had COVID-19 and who have fully recovered, acquiring natural immunity along the way. Governments which claim to love science should freely and readily disclose this information to the public, as well as to each individual receiving her or his PCR test result. And yet, since 2020, Canada’s federal and provincial governments have kept this information a state secret, typically divulged only under duress in court, when governments get sued by Justice Centre lawyers who defend Charter freedoms.
In Gateway v. Manitoba, for example, government officials admitted under oath that at least 40% of their “Covid cases” were people who were not sick with COVID-19 and not spreading it. Governments and their health authorities can easily generate high numbers of “Covid cases” simply by running PCR tests at 40 (or more) cycles, and encouraging (or requiring) large numbers of people to take the PCR test.
As with the number of COVID-19 “cases,” the number of “Covid deaths” proclaimed by politicians, government health officials and government-funded media is also based on highly unreliable PCR testing, using an undisclosed number of cycles.
The second glaring omission from government-funded media reports is the relevant context. Over 33,000 Albertans die each year, which is what you might expect in a province of 4.8 million people. The leading causes of death in Canada are cancer, heart diseases, lung diseases and strokes. This fact did not change with the arrival of COVID-19 and lockdowns in 2020. If it’s true that 732 Albertans died of COVID-19 (and thanks to PCR testing we really don’t know) that would be just over 2% of deaths in Alberta, with 87% of these deaths among people 70 and over. Compare this 2% with the more than 10% of deaths in Alberta from “ill-defined and unknown” causes in 2021. Professor Craig Jenne states that viruses “continue to take lives at a really unacceptable rate.” The same could be said of cancer, heart diseases, lung diseases and strokes, not to mention suicides, alcoholism, obesity and car accidents.
The omission of relevant facts, combined with a blind and erroneous faith in the accuracy of PCR testing, is what government-funded media used in 2020 to spread unfounded fear. They are trying to do the same thing now. Will we fall for it again?
First published in the Western Standard here.
John Carpay, B.A., LL.B. is president of the Justice Centre for Constitutional Freedoms.
Alberta
Any Downturn in Alberta’s Economy Would Inevitably Drag Canada’s Down With It
From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy
By Troy Media
Is anyone paying attention?
Canada is heading straight for an economic iceberg, and the rest of the country doesn’t seem to grasp the gravity of the situation. Alberta – long the engine of Canada’s prosperity thanks to its oil and gas sector – is facing a serious decline because the Trudeau government is obsessed with its net-zero policies. And if Alberta falters, the ripple effects will drag down the entire nation. But are we too preoccupied with federal climate targets to recognize the risks staring us in the face?
The Trudeau government’s push for net-zero emissions by 2050 may look noble on paper, but the real-world cost could be catastrophic. The numbers don’t lie: according to a recent column by Troy Media contributor Lennie Kaplan, Alberta’s oil production could drop by a staggering 54 percent by 2050. That’s not just a provincial problem; it’s a national economic emergency waiting to happen.
Let’s cut through the jargon. Alberta makes up about 15 percent of Canada’s GDP. If Alberta’s economy shrinks by $32 billion – as projected – it would trigger a 1.2 percent drop in Canada’s GDP. For context, that’s a multi-billion-dollar hole in a country whose economy is, itself, already in severe decline.
Does Ottawa think a shrinking economy will put us in a stronger position to innovate and grow? Or are they content with turning Alberta into a sacrificial lamb on the altar of climate policy, ignoring the fact that this will make Canada less competitive on the world stage?
Then there’s the job market. Alberta’s energy sector employs thousands and indirectly supports tens of thousands more across Canada. By 2050, again according to Kaplan, Alberta could shed 198,000 jobs – five percent of its workforce. These aren’t just oil rig workers; they’re engineers, construction crews, transport workers, and more.
It gets worse. When Alberta’s economy shrinks, industries from coast to coast that depend on Alberta’s vitality will also take a hit. If even 10 to 15 percent of those job losses trickle across the country, we’re looking at another 20,000 to 30,000 Canadians joining the unemployment line. Yet, where is the urgency to address this looming crisis?
Alberta isn’t just a provincial powerhouse – it’s also a major contributor to federal revenues. Between 2025 and 2050, the province’s contributions could drop by $221 billion due to declining oil and gas revenues. That’s less money for healthcare, infrastructure, and social programs from coast to coast.
For a federal government that already struggles to balance its books, the loss of up to $40 billion in federal tax contributions from Alberta is a fiscal disaster in the making. Where do they expect to make up that shortfall? Higher taxes? Slashed services? Or maybe another round of federal borrowing to kick the can down the road?
Alberta’s oil and gas isn’t just a provincial asset – it’s a critical part of Canada’s trade balance. In 2022, energy exports made up 20 percent of Canada’s total exports. Cut that by more than half, and you’re gutting Canada’s international trade position.
A $70 to 80 billion hit to export revenue could balloon the country’s trade deficit, further devaluing the Canadian dollar and making imports more expensive. In short, this isn’t just bad news for Alberta – it’s an economic calamity that could send shockwaves through every corner of the country.
And let’s not forget the federal equalization program. Alberta has long been a “have” province, contributing far more than it gets back. But if Alberta’s economy falters, it could soon be knocking on Ottawa’s door for handouts.
Imagine the political firestorm if Alberta becomes a “have-not” province, competing for federal support with the very provinces that have relied on its success. The strain on equalization could pit regions against each other, creating a toxic political environment when unity is more crucial than ever.
Does Ottawa even care?
Alberta’s decline isn’t just Alberta’s problem. It’s a Canadian problem. The Trudeau government’s climate obsession needs to take this into account. We cannot afford to sacrifice Alberta’s economic engine without dragging the rest of the country down with it.
What’s the plan to balance climate goals with economic reality? So far, there’s been little more than vague promises and short-term thinking. If Ottawa doesn’t wake up to the real-world consequences of Alberta’s decline, we’re all in for a harsh economic reckoning.
It’s time for our leaders to prioritize pragmatic solutions over virtue signalling. Because if Alberta goes down, the rest of Canada won’t be far behind.
First published here.
Troy Media is an editorial content provider to media outlets and its own hosted community news outlets across Canada.
-
Alberta1 day ago
Danielle Smith delivers on promise to protect gender-confused children in Alberta
-
COVID-192 days ago
Will We Fall For The Same Old PCR Tricks Again?
-
Brownstone Institute1 day ago
John Kerry and the Circuitous Assault on Free Speech
-
Daily Caller2 days ago
Bureaucrats Worry Democracy Will Get In The Way Of Their Climate Agenda
-
International13 hours ago
Multiple women’s college volleyball teams forfeit matches rather than face male opponent
-
Alberta1 day ago
Chris Scott and Rebecca Ingram attempting Class Action Lawsuit against Province for COVID restrictions
-
Alberta11 hours ago
Province overhauls Victim Services model, creating regional hubs and full access
-
National1 day ago
Church fire on Canadian indigenous land on National Day for Truth and Reconciliation