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Privatizing Canada Post Is The Only Solution Left

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From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy

By Conrad Eder

Endless bailouts won’t fix Canada Post’s broken business model

Canada Post is bleeding taxpayers dry. In 2024 alone, it lost nearly $1.3 billion and saw revenues fall by $800 million—a staggering 12.2 per cent year-over-year decline. These grim figures forced a $1 billion taxpayer bailout in January.

And the crisis is far from over. Beginning in 2026, Canada Post itself projects it will need another $1 billion every year simply to survive.

This is not a temporary slump. It is a structural failure. Since 2018, Canada Post has accumulated losses of more than $3.8 billion. The message is clear: Canadians aren’t getting mail—they’re getting fleeced.

Yet despite overwhelming evidence of collapse, proposals to privatize the service continue to face resistance from those nostalgic for a bygone era. That nostalgia is costly. Every billion-dollar bailout is a billion dollars not spent on hospitals, schools and infrastructure. Imagine what $1 billion a year could mean for health care wait times, long-term care beds, or repairing crumbling bridges. Instead, Canadians are spending it to keep an outdated postal service on life support.

Critics of privatization argue that only a public entity can guarantee affordable, universal service. They warn that private operators would reduce access, raise prices and abandon rural Canada.

But the European experience tells a different story. Germany’s Deutsche Post, privatized in 1995, expanded its services globally while maintaining affordable domestic delivery. The Netherlands’ PostNL streamlined operations and introduced innovative parcel services to meet the demands of online shopping. Austria Post invested heavily in automation and developed flexible delivery options. In all three cases, universal service requirements were preserved, prices remained affordable, and customers benefited from enhanced, innovative services.

By contrast, Canada Post’s outdated monopoly model is a straitjacket. It must deliver to every address, no matter the cost, while being forced to seek government approval for even modest changes. This bureaucracy means political considerations routinely trump business logic. While private competitors can adjust pricing, delivery models and technology overnight, Canada Post waits months—sometimes years—for permission to act.

As if structural flaws weren’t enough, labour instability has become another costly burden. A recent 32-day strike cost Canada Post more than $200 million.

While the Canadian Union of Postal Workers has every right to defend its members, it has consistently resisted reforms like flexible staffing and automated systems. These are precisely the changes needed to bring the service into the modern era. With taxpayer bailouts guaranteeing survival, CUPW faces little pressure to change course. Canada Post has become less of a postal service than a taxpayer-funded job protection scheme.

Former CEO Moya Greene understood this reality. After leaving Canada Post, she led the UK’s Royal Mail through successful privatization. Her experience showed that public postal services can modernize without abandoning universal service. The lesson is simple: performance improves when failure is possible.

Critics warn about the dangers of the profit motive. But Canada Post already raises postage rates while continuing to post massive losses. Canadians are paying more and getting less. Profit, unlike politics, demands accountability. Companies that fail to deliver value lose customers. Crown corporations, shielded by bailouts, lose nothing.

Fixing Canada Post will take more than tinkering. Incremental reforms cannot solve a billion-dollar-a-year problem. Canada must end its monopoly, open the market and privatize the service. A privatized model can be designed to ensure continued universal delivery, just as in Europe, while giving operators the flexibility to innovate and compete.

Privatization is neither reckless nor radical. It is a proven solution to a financial and operational crisis. Canadians deserve more than excuses and nostalgia. They deserve a postal service that delivers goods to Canadians, not one that delivers bills to taxpayers.

Conrad Eder is a policy analyst at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy.

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Critics Accuse YouTube of Dragging Out Return Process for Banned Channels

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A promise to let banned creators return rings hollow when only select ones get a second chance.

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YouTube is being criticized for what many see as backpedaling on its commitment to free speech, after pledging to restore banned accounts, only to continue removing new channels created by previously banned figures.

The initial assurance came in a letter dated September 23, 2025, addressed to House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jim Jordan.

In that communication, YouTube acknowledged its past enforcement actions, which included terminating channels over election-related and COVID-19 content under policies that have since changed. The company claimed that its current guidelines permit more room for such topics and asserted:

“Reflecting the Company’s commitment to free expression, YouTube will provide an opportunity for all creators to rejoin the platform if the Company terminated their channels for repeated violations of COVID-19 and elections integrity policies that are no longer in effect.”

The same day, YouTube posted a message on X describing a “limited pilot project” that would provide “a pathway back to YouTube for some terminated creators to set up a new channel.”

However, the platform immediately added that this option would only apply to a “subset” of creators.

The vagueness of the commitment raised suspicion, which intensified when two prominent figures, Infowars founder Alex Jones and “America First” host Nick Fuentes, launched new channels that were almost immediately taken down.

Cartoon purple monkey wearing a red cap holding a magnifying glass above the message "This page isn't available. Sorry about that. Try searching for something else." with the YouTube logo and a search bar below on a pale gray background.

On September 25, YouTube confirmed in a follow-up post that the pilot program wasn’t active yet and reiterated that users previously banned under its policies would have their new channels removed.

Screenshot of a tweet by verified Updates From YouTube (@UpdatesFromYT) stating that previously terminated creators trying to start new channels are still prohibited, the pilot program on terminations is not yet open, YouTube will terminate new channels from previously terminated users in accordance with Community Guidelines, and more details on a limited pilot program will be shared soon; posted Sep 25, 2025, 9:42 AM, 728.7K views.

This abrupt reversal drew widespread condemnation. Either YouTube is committed to backtracking on its mistakes or it’s not.

YouTube’s September 25 post was heavily ratioed, with users blasting the company for promoting a free speech revival while simultaneously doubling down on removals.

The disconnect between the public promise and its execution fueled accusations of insincerity.

While YouTube didn’t ban Jones and Fuentes under the now-defunct COVID or election integrity policies: Jones was booted in 2018 over what the platform labeled “hate speech,” and Fuentes was removed in 2020 for alleged violations of the same hate speech rule, many argue that the company’s overall stance still undermines the broader principle of open discourse.

By dragging out the reinstatement process and narrowing eligibility through an undefined pilot, YouTube is being accused of turning its supposed “commitment to free expression” into a hollow gesture.

The promise to Congress now appears to be less a genuine policy shift and more a tightly controlled PR maneuver.

Despite YouTube’s attempts to frame its evolving guidelines as a win for free speech, actions speak louder. Blocking even the chance to return, particularly after stating that creators could rejoin, reveals just how selective the platform remains in determining who gets to speak and who doesn’t.

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BC Ferries: Emails Change Everything- Committee to Haul In Freeland & Co.

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The Opposition with Dan Knight

Dan Knight's avatar Dan Knight

Freeland, Public Safety, Seaspan, Irving, Ontario yards and unions to appear as MPs probe what Ottawa knew and when.

In Ottawa they call it “arm’s-length.” Out in the real world, people call it duck-and-cover. At Meeting No. 6 of the House of Commons transport committee, MPs confronted a simple, damning timeline: Transport Canada’s top non-partisan official was warned six weeks before the public announcement that BC Ferries would award a four-ship contract to a Chinese state-owned yard. Yet the former transport minister, Chrystia Freeland, told Parliament she was “shocked.” Those two facts do not coexist in nature. One is true, or the other is not.

There’s an even bigger betrayal hiding in plain sight. In the last election, this Liberal government campaigned on a Canada-first message—jobs here, supply chains here, steel here. And then, when it actually mattered, they watched a billion-dollar ferry order sail to a PRC state yard with no Canadian-content requirement attached to the federal financing. So much for “Canada first.” Turns out it was “Canada… eventually,” after the press release.

Conservatives put the revelation on the record and asked the only question that matters in a democracy: what did the minister know and when did she know it? The documents they cite don’t suggest confusion; they suggest choreography—ministerial staff emailing the Prime Minister’s Office on how to manage the announcement rather than stop the deal that offshored Canadian work to a Chinese state firm.

Follow the money and it gets worse. A federal Crown lender—the Canada Infrastructure Bank—underwrote $1 billion for BC Ferries and attached no Canadian-content requirement to the financing. In plain English: taxpayers took the risk, Beijing got the jobs. The paper trail presented to MPs is smothered in black ink—hundreds of pages of redactions—with one stray breadcrumb: a partially visible BC Hydro analysis suggesting roughly half a billion dollars in B.C. terminal upgrades to make the “green” ferry plan work. You’re not supposed to see that. You almost didn’t.

How did the government side respond? With a jurisdictional shrug. We’re told, over and over, that BC Ferries is a provincial, arm’s-length corporation; the feds didn’t pick the yard, don’t run the procurement, and therefore shouldn’t be blamed. That line is convenient, and in a technical sense it’s tidy. But it wilts under heat. The federal lender is still federal. The money is still public. If “arm’s-length” means “no accountability,” it’s not a governance model—it’s a get-out-of-jail-free card.

The fallback argument is economic fatalism: no Canadian shipyards bid, we’re told; building here would have taken longer and cost “billions” more. Maybe that’s true, maybe it isn’t—but it’s the sort of claim that demands evidence, not condescension. Because the last time Canadians heard this script, the same political class promised that global supply chains were efficient, cheap and safe. Then reality happened. If domestic capacity is too weak to compete, that’s not an argument for outsourcing permanently; it’s an indictment of the people who let that capacity atrophy. And if you swear “Canada first” on the campaign trail, you don’t bankroll “China first” from the Treasury bench.

Even the process looked like a master class in delay. The committee repeatedly suspended to “circulate” and “review” lengthy motions, while edits ricocheted across the witness list. There were pushes to pare back which ministers would appear at all, and counter-moves to tuck sensitive testimony behind closed doors. In the end, members nudged toward a compromise—Public Safety in open session, other national-security witnesses in camera—but the pattern was unmistakable: every procedural minute spent on choreography was a minute not spent on the timeline.

And after all that stalling, here’s who they’re hauling in—because even Ottawa’s fog machine couldn’t hide the paper trail forever.

They moved to recall Chrystia Freeland herself—the minister who claimed to be “shocked” after her own department had a six-week head start. She’s the centerpiece witness, and rightly so.

On the security front, the Public Safety Minister is slated for an hour in public, followed by an hour with officials, while the national-security reviewers will give their evidence in camera—translation: the part you most want to hear will happen behind closed doors.

Industry voices are on deck too: Seaspan (the transcript garbles it as “C-Span”), Irving Shipbuilding, plus labour and trade heavyweights—the BC Ferries & Marine Workers’ Union, BC Building Trades, the BC Federation of Labour, the Shipyard General Workers Federation, and the Canadian steel producers—the people who can say, under oath, exactly what Ottawa knew and when the alarm bells rang.

They even tacked on Ontario shipyards via a “friendly amendment”—because apparently no one thought to ask central Canada’s yards until the story blew up.

And then the hedge: Liberals worked the amendments to pare back which ministers would face the lights—especially Revenue and Labour—prompting Conservatives to call the move “intolerable.” In other words, invite the easy witnesses, bury the consequential ones. The fight over those two remained live at that point.

So yes, the committee will finally hear from the people who matter—Freeland, Public Safety, shipyards, unions, steel. But notice the choreography: showcase the safe bits in public, tuck the sensitive parts out of view, and keep chipping away at the ministerial witness list. That’s not transparency; that’s stage management with a security badge.

Strip away the talking points and what remains are questions no serious government would duck. When did the minister learn the contract was going to China? What did her office tell the PMO and when? Why did a federal loan—the leverage Ottawa actually controls—carry zero requirement to build any of it here? And why are the documents that might answer those questions buried under redactions thick enough to pave a road?

Canadians are not children. They understand that ferries are essential and that delays are costly. They also understand something else: when a government runs on Canada first and then cheers from the dock as the jobs steam away, that’s not “arm’s-length.” That’s arm’s-length accountability—which is to say, none. Until the emails are unredacted and Chrystia Freeland answers the timeline under oath, the government’s position amounts to this: trust us, the money’s independent, the decisions were someone else’s, and the facts you’re not allowed to see fully vindicate us. Sure. And the check is in the mail.


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