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Alberta

Maritime provinces can enact policies to reduce reliance on Ottawa / Alberta

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From the Fraser Institute

By Alex Whalen

Nova Scotia’s Finance Minister John Lohr recently took the rare step of publicly commenting on the province’s reliance on transfer payments from Ottawa. For decades, the Maritime provinces have heavily relied on federal transfers, and the equalization program in particular, to fund provincial budgets.

Ottawa collects taxes from across Canada and then redistributes money to different provinces and/or individual Canadians through various programs, including equalization. The MacDonald Notebook recently reported that Lohr told a Halifax Chamber of Commerce audience “we’re very aware that we are very dependent on transfer payments from other parts of the country… we can’t continue to take that for granted… we have the resources here.”

Lohr makes an important point. Consider equalization, a federal program that, in effect, provides payments to provinces with weaker economies and a lower ability to raise tax revenues, with the goal of ensuring all provinces can deliver comparable services at comparable tax rates.

Premiers in other provinces have often lobbied for changes including reform or outright elimination of the program. In fact, Newfoundland and Labrador (backed by Alberta, British Columbia and Saskatchewan) is currently challenging the program in court. These provinces believe the program is unfair given how equalization payments are calculated on an annual basis. And this is a serious political concern because at some point these provinces could force reforms to equalization that would result in reduced payments to recipient provinces.

Such a move would have a major impact on provincial finances in the Maritimes. In 2024/25, Prince Edward Island, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia are the three provinces most dependent on equalization funds, ranging between $3,718 per person in P.E.I. to $3,252 per person in Nova Scotia. Equalization represents between 19.4 per cent and 21.9 per cent of provincial revenue in these provinces. Put differently, without this federal transfer program, these provinces would lose roughly one-fifth of their revenue. Only Manitoba comes close to this level of reliance on equalization.

But why should the Maritime provinces wait to have reform forced upon them? Moreover, it shouldn’t be a goal to be a long-term recipient province for the same reason one wouldn’t want to be a long-term welfare recipient. Regardless of what Alberta and Saskatchewan wants, we in the east should want to be off equalization for our own reasons. Strengthening provincial economies in the Maritimes would raise living standards and incomes, while strengthening provincial finances and reducing reliance on programs such as equalization.

So, what can be done?

First, the Nova Scotia government’s recent shift in policy to permit more natural resource development in areas such as mining and natural gas is a strong first step. The province is sitting on billions of dollars in economic opportunity in this sector, while the sector’s wages tend to be among the highest of any industry. Other provinces should follow suit and develop their natural resource sectors.

More broadly, governments in the region should trim their bloated bureaucracies to make way for broad-based tax relief. The Maritime provinces have the largest governments in Canada, with government spending (at all levels—federal, provincial and local) exceeding 57 per cent of provincial economies. A consequence of this large government sector is some of the highest taxes in North America (across all types of taxation). Reducing the size of government to national-average levels would make room for substantial tax relief that would boost growth in the region.

Long-term dependence on federal transfers does not need to be a given in the Maritimes. With the right policy environment in place, the governments of Nova Scotia, P.E.I. and New Brunswick can strengthen their economies while reducing reliance on the rest of Canada. On this front, Minister Lohr is on the right track.

Alex Whalen

Director, Atlantic Canada Prosperity, Fraser Institute

Alberta

Provincial pension plan could boost retirement savings for Albertans

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From the Fraser Institute

By Tegan Hill and Joel Emes

In 2026, Albertans may vote on whether or not to leave the Canada Pension Plan (CPP) for a provincial pension plan. While they should weigh the cost and benefits, one thing is clear—Albertans could boost their retirement savings under a provincial pension plan.

Compared to the rest of Canada, Alberta has relatively high rates of employment, higher average incomes and a younger population. Subsequently, Albertans collectively contribute more to the CPP than retirees in the province receive in total CPP payments.

Indeed, from 1981 to 2022 (the latest year of available data), Alberta workers paid 14.4 per cent (annually, on average) of total CPP contributions (typically from their paycheques) while retirees in the province received 10.0 per cent of the payments. That’s a net contribution of $53.6 billion from Albertans over the period.

Alberta’s demographic and income advantages also mean that if the province left the CPP, Albertans could pay lower contribution rates while still receiving the same retirement benefits under a provincial pension plan (in fact, the CPP Act requires that to leave CPP, a province must provide a comparable plan with comparable benefits). This would mean Albertans keep more of their money, which they can use to boost their private retirement savings (e.g. RRSPs or TFSAs).

According to one estimate, Albertans’ contribution rate could fall from 9.9 per cent (the current base CPP rate) to 5.85 per cent under a provincial pension plan. Under this scenario, a typical Albertan earning the median income ($50,000 in 2025) and contributing since age 18, would save $50,023 over their lifetime from paying a lower rate under provincial pension plan. Thanks to the power of compound interest, with a 7.1 per cent (average) nominal rate of return (based on a balanced portfolio of investments), those savings could grow to nearly $190,000 over the same worker’s lifetime.

Pair that amount with what you’d receive from the new provincial pension plan ($265,000) and you’d have $455,000 in retirement income (pre-tax)—nearly 72 per cent more than under the CPP alone.

To be clear, exactly how much you’d save depends on the specific contribution rate for the new provincial pension plan. We use 5.85 per cent in the above scenario, but estimates vary. But even if we assume a higher contribution rate, Albertan’s could still receive more in retirement with the provincial pension plan compared to the current CPP.

Consider the potential with a provincial pension contribution rate of 8.21 per cent. A typical Albertan, contributing since age 18, would generate $330,000 in pre-tax retirement income from the new provincial pension plan plus their private savings, which is nearly one quarter larger than they’d receive from the CPP alone (again, $265,000).

Albertans should consider the full costs and benefits of a provincial pension plan, but it’s clearly Albertans could benefit from higher retirement income due to increased private savings.

Tegan Hill

Director, Alberta Policy, Fraser Institute

Joel Emes

Senior Economist, Fraser Institute
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Alberta

OPEC+ chooses market share over stability, and Canada will pay

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This article supplied by Troy Media.

Troy MediaBy Rashid Husain Syed

OPEC+ output hike could sink prices, blow an even bigger hole in Alberta’s budget and drag Canada’s economy down with it

OPEC and its allies are flooding the global oil market again, betting that regaining lost market share is worth the risk of triggering a price collapse.

On Sept. 7, eight of its leading members agreed to boost production by 137,000 barrels per day beginning in October. That move, taken more than a year ahead of schedule, marks the start of a second major unwind of previous output cuts, even as warnings of a supply glut grow. OPEC+, a coalition led by Saudi Arabia and Russia, coordinates oil production targets in an effort to influence global pricing.

This isn’t oil politics in a vacuum. It’s a direct blow to Alberta’s finances, and a growing threat to Canada’s economic stability.

Canada’s broader economy depends heavily on a strong oil and gas sector, but no province is more directly reliant on resource royalties than Alberta, where oil revenues fund everything from hospitals to schools.

The province is already forecasting a $6.5-billion deficit by spring. A further slide in oil prices would deepen that gap, threatening everything from vital programs to jobs. Every drop in the benchmark West Texas Intermediate price, currently averaging around US$64, is estimated to wipe out another $750 million in annual revenue.

When Alberta’s finances falter, the ripple effects spread across the country. Equalization transfers from Ottawa to have-not provinces decline. Private investment dries up. Energy-sector jobs vanish not just in Alberta, but in supplier and service industries nationwide. Even the Canadian dollar takes a hit, reflecting reduced confidence in one of the country’s key economic engines. When Alberta stumbles, Canada’s broader economic momentum slows with it.

The timing couldn’t be crueller. October marks the end of the summer driving season, typically a lull for fuel demand. Yet extra supply is about to hit a market already leaning bearish. Oil prices have dropped roughly 15 per cent this year; Brent crude is treading just above US$65, still well beneath April’s lows.

But OPEC+ isn’t alone in raising the taps. Non-OPEC producers in Brazil, Canada, Guyana and Norway are all increasing production. The International Energy Agency warns global supply could exceed demand by as much as 500,000 barrels per day.

The market is bracing for a sustained price war. Alberta is staring down the barrel.

OPEC+ claims it’s playing the long game to reclaim market share. But gambling on long-term gains at the cost of short-term pain is reckless, especially for Alberta. The province faces immediate financial consequences: revenue losses, tougher budget decisions and diminished policy flexibility.

To make matters worse, U.S. forecasts are underwhelming, with an unexpected 2.4-million-barrel build in inventories. U.S. production remains at record highs above 13.5 million barrels per day, and refinery margins are shrinking. The signal is clear: demand isn’t coming back fast enough to absorb growing supply.

OPEC+ may think it’s posturing strategically. But for Canada, starting with Alberta, the fallout is real and immediate. It’s not just a market turn. It’s a warning blast. And the consequences? Jobs lost, public services cut and fiscal strain for months ahead.

Canada can’t direct OPEC. But it can brace for the fallout—and plan accordingly.

Toronto-based Rashid Husain Syed is a highly regarded analyst specializing in energy and politics, particularly in the Middle East. In addition to his contributions to local and international newspapers, Rashid frequently lends his expertise as a speaker at global conferences. Organizations such as the Department of Energy in Washington and the International Energy Agency in Paris have sought his insights on global energy matters.

Troy Media empowers Canadian community news outlets by providing independent, insightful analysis and commentary. Our mission is to support local media in helping Canadians stay informed and engaged by delivering reliable content that strengthens community connections and deepens understanding across the country

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