Fraser Institute
Dearth of medical resources harms Canadian patients

From the Fraser Institute
The imbalance between high spending and poor access to doctors, hospital beds and vital imaging technology, coupled with untimely access to services, can, and does, have a detrimental impact on patients.
Whether it’s a lack of family physicians or other health-care workers, Canadians know we have a serious health-care labour shortage on our hands. The implications of this shortage aren’t lost on patients (including Ellie O’Brien) who’ve possibly faced delays in accessing organ transplants because potential donors need a regular family doctor to screen them to begin the transplant process.
Given these access issues, coupled with some of the longest recorded wait times for medical procedures on record, is it any wonder that Canadians are dissatisfied with how their provincial governments handle health care?
While one instinct might be to demand governments spend more on health care, it’s not clear we’re getting good value in return for what’s already being spent. In fact, compared to 29 other high-income countries with universal health care, Canada spent the most on health care as a share of the economy at 12.6 per cent in 2021, the latest year of available comparable data (after adjusting for differences in the age structure of each country’s population).
But what do we get in return for this spending?
As far as medical resources go, not a whole lot. In 2021, Canadians had some of the fewest medical resources in the developed world. Out of 30 high-income countries with universal health care, Canada ranked 28th on physician availability at 2.8 per 1,000 people, far behind countries such as seventh-ranked Switzerland (4.5 physicians per 1,000) and tenth-ranked Australia (at 4.3 physicians per 1,000).
But doctors are just one part of the puzzle. Canada also ranked low on available hospital beds (23rd of 29 countries), meaning patients often face delays for hospital care. It can also mean that patients end up being treated for their illness outside a traditional patient room—such as a hospital hallway, a phenomenon that has spread to many provinces.
We also see a low availability of other key medical resources including diagnostic equipment. In 2019, Canada ranked 25th of 29 comparable countries with universal health care on the number of MRIs (10.3 units per million people) compared to top-ranked Japan, which had four times as many MRIs as Canada. And we ranked 26th out of 30 countries on CT scanners (14.9 scanners per million people) compared to second-ranked Australia, which had five times as many CT scanners. It’s also worth noting that a large a portion of Canada’s diagnostic machines are remarkably old.
It’s no accident that countries such as Australia, which actually spend less of its economy on health care compared to Canada, perform better than Canada on measures of resource availability and timeliness of care. Unlike Canada, Australia embraces its private sector as an integral part of its universal health-care system. With 41 per cent of all hospital care in Australia occurring in private hospitals in 2021/22, private hospitals can act as a pressure valve for the entire system, particularly in times of crisis. Indeed, the country outperforms Canada on measures of timely access to family doctor appointments, specialist care and non-emergency surgery, and has done so regularly for years.
The imbalance between high spending and poor access to doctors, hospital beds and vital imaging technology, coupled with untimely access to services, can, and does, have a detrimental impact on patients. For some, this problem can be life threatening. Without genuine reform based on real world lessons from higher performing universal health-care countries including Australia, it’s impossible to reasonably expect our health-care system to improve despite its hefty price tag.
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Business
Prime minister must excise terrible energy policies

From the Fraser Institute
Prime Minister Mark Carney recently unveiled his new cabinet. And there’s quite a lot of work to do.
Before his election victory, the prime minister exorcised a widely-despised element of Canada’s climate policy, the “consumer” carbon tax, which was imposed directly on Canadians for their consumption of energy (electricity, heating fuel, gasoline). At the same time, in response to President Donald Trump’s tariff war, the prime minister made grand proclamations of future energy glory. “Canada has a tremendous opportunity to be the world’s leading energy superpower, in both clean and conventional energy,” he said. “We are going to aggressively develop projects that are in the national interest in order to protect Canada’s energy security, diversify our trade, and enhance our long-term competitiveness—all while reducing emissions.”
Great plan. So what’s next?
Again, quite a lot. If Prime Minister Carney is serious about reforming Canadian energy policy so Canada can compete against a likely resurgent Trump-driven U.S. energy sector, he must follow this latest bit of tax reform and vocal boosterism with genuine regulatory reform. In other words, the Carney government must repeal the anti-energy regulations implemented by the Trudeau government.
First on the chopping block—Bill C-69, colloquially known as the “No More Pipelines Act,” which created massive uncertainty by introducing vague assessment criteria including “gender implications” for major energy projects including pipelines and LNG export facilities. If Ottawa simplified the project review process, it could help Canada access more lucrative markets for energy products outside the United States.
Then there’s Bill C-48 (colloquially known as the “Tanker Ban Bill”), which changed regulations for large vessels transporting oil to and from ports on British Columbia’s northern coast, effectively banning such shipments and limiting the ability of Canadian firms to export to non-U.S. markets. Tanking the tanker ban should be an obvious sail forward.
Next up, the Trudeau plan to cap greenhouse gas emissions from the oil and gas sector (at 35 per cent below 2019 levels by 2030), alongside major new regulations for methane emissions in the sector. These regulations will likely raise costs and curtail production. By removing them, Ottawa can increase the ability of Canada’s energy sector to compete against a rising U.S. energy sector.
Finally, the Trudeau government’s Clean Electricity Regulations will likely drive electricity rates through the roof while ushering in an age of less reliable electricity supply—a two-handed slap to Canadian energy consumers. Ending these misguided regulations is a no-brainer for the new government in Ottawa.
Prime Minister Carney’s first acts on the Canadian energy file look good. The carbon tax is half-dead (the industrial tax remains in place). And a new pro-energy rhetoric has displaced Trudeau’s “phase it out” framing of Canadian energy policy. But if Carney and his new cabinet are serious about unleashing Canada’s energy potential, reducing dependence on the U.S. market, reaching more lucrative foreign markets, increasing production, and so on, they better get cracking on a regulatory reform agenda lest they find themselves hamstrung by their predecessor’s regulatory legacy.
Business
Carney’s new cabinet and media interviews fail to provide clarity

From the Fraser Institute
By Jason Clemens and Tegan Hill
Prime Minister Carney unveiled his new cabinet and did post-announcement media but failed to provide the clarity about his government’s actual views on resource development, particularly oil and natural gas. This uncertainty continues to impede private-sector investment, which our country badly needs.
Uncertainty is an investment killer because it makes it almost impossible for entrepreneurs, businesses and investors to reasonably weigh the risks, potential benefits and hurdles of a potential investment. A broadly recognized measure of uncertainty shows Canadian uncertainty at historic levels. The average monthly uncertainty measure between January 1985, when the data series began and December 2019 just before COVID was 135. The average for the first four months of 2025 was 1,300, almost 10 times higher.
An enormous part of that uncertainty relates to Trump’s tariffs, and the havoc they’re inflicting on entrepreneurs, investors and workers. But contradictions from the federal government in several key policy areas including government spending and borrowing, and energy policy are also creating uncertainty.
Unfortunately, Prime Minister Carney’s recent cabinet appointments and his subsequent media interviews failed to provide clarity.
Consider Tim Hodgson, the new Minister of Energy and Resources. He has a strong background in finance—CEO of Goldman Sachs Canada, chair of Ontario’s electric utility company Hydro One and investment board chair of the Ontario Teachers’ Pension Plan. The latter is important because he oversaw and approved investments in traditional energy companies such as Suncor and Canadian Natural Resources. Hodgson also has ties with the Alberta business community through his board appointments on several Calgary-based companies. His appointment has been interpreted by some that the Carney government will pursue policies to develop our oil and gas sector.
But the appointment of Julie Dabrusin as the Minister of the Environment and Climate Change signals the exact opposite. Dabrusin was the Parliamentary Secretary to the two previous Environment Ministers, Jonathan Wilkinson and Steven Guilbeault. Both opposed several pipeline developments, were instrumental in the introduction of a cap on emissions from the oil and gas sector, and other measures specifically designed to limit—if not actually decrease growth—in Canada’s traditional energy sector. A number of high-profile people in the energy patch, including Alberta Premier Danielle Smith, have already raised concerns about her appointment and what it means for energy development.
The appointments of Hodgson and Dabrusin continue the Carney government’s contradictory approach to policy, seemingly trying to be all things to all Canadians.
In a recent interview with CTV News, Prime Minister Carney simultaneously stated his support for new pipelines to deliver oil and gas to new markets but would not clarify if that meant revising or removing legislation that is broadly seen as a barrier to such developments. More specifically, during the campaign Carney said he would not eliminate Bill C-69, which covers how large infrastructure projects including pipelines are reviewed and approved. It’s widely agreed that Bill C-69 and its evaluation criteria make it almost impossible to build new pipelines in Canada.
Moreover, he failed to clarify whether he would eliminate the government’s current cap on emissions from the oil and gas sector, which is widely accepted as a cap on production. Indeed, according to the independent Parliamentary Budget Officer, the cap would result in less oil and gas production.
These glaring contradictions, which appear to be rooted in attempts to satisfy all Canadians and voting constituents, will need to be clarified at some point. There will come a time—whether it’s a budget (which apparently Canadians won’t see until next year), an application by a company to build a new pipeline, or perhaps just the continuing economic stagnation of the country—when the prime minister will be forced to make a clear choice. Until then, the cost of uncertainty will continue to impose real hardship on Canadians.
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