Alberta
Albertans continue to contribute disproportionately to Canadian federalism

From the Fraser Institute
By Tegan Hill
Net contribution totaled $244.6 billion between 2007 and 2022
Between 2007 and 2022, Albertans continued to contribute disproportionately to Canadian federalism in terms of the amount of federal taxes paid versus federal spending in the province, finds a new study published today by the Fraser Institute, an independent non-partisan Canadian think-tank.
“It’s clear that Albertans continue to disproportionately contribute to the economic success of the country and to federal finances,” said Tegan Hill, director of Alberta Policy at the Fraser Institute and co-author of Understanding Alberta’s Outsized Contribution to Confederation.
Overall, from 2007 and 2022, Albertans’ contributed $244.6 billion to the federal government in taxes and other payments in excess of the money Ottawa spent or transferred to Alberta – more than five times as much as was contributed (on net) by either British Columbians or Ontarians. The other seven provinces, and most notably Quebec were net recipients of federalism, meaning the amount of revenues collected by the federal government in those provinces was exceeded by the amount of money spent or transferred by Ottawa back to the provinces.
“When Alberta’s economy is strong and prosperous, it benefits the entire nation,” commented Hill.
In 2022, Alberta’s inflation-adjusted GDP growth was the fastest in the country (5 per cent), it also reported the fastest private sector employment growth (7.8 per cent), the highest level of business investment per private sector worker ($36,412) and had the highest net interprovincial migration (56,245 people).
“It is the economic success of Alberta that leads to Albertans contributing more to Canadian federalism than other provinces, which is absolutely something to be encouraged rather than discouraged,” said Hill.
- When Alberta is economically strong, all Canadians benefit, because money is redistributed to other parts of Canada.
- In 2022, despite restrictive federal policies, Alberta continued to contribute disproportionately to the federation.
- Alberta’s 5.0% real GDP growth rate was the fastest in Canada in 2022, accounting for 17.9% of Canada’s real GDP growth, despite being home to 11.6% of the population.
- In 2022, 56,245 Canadian residents relocated to Alberta, representing more than 75% of total net in-migration within Canada.
- Alberta reported the fastest private sector employment growth among the provinces (7.8%) in 2022, accounting for 19.2% of private sector jobs created in Canada.
- Per private sector worker, Alberta attracted $36,412 of business investment, more than double the national average (excluding Alberta).
- From 2007 to 2022, Alberta’s net contribution to the federal finances totalled $244.6 billion—more than five times as much as BC’s ($46.9 billion) or Ontario’s ($41.9 billion). In 2022, Alberta contributed $14.2 billion more to federal revenues than it received back in federal spending.
- If Alberta were an “average contributor” based on the other provinces, rather than a large net contributor, the federal government would have had a fiscal shortfall of $16.9 billion in 2022. For perspective, to cover this net revenue loss, the federal GST rate would need to increase from 5.0% to 7.2%.
- Put simply, without Alberta’s oversized contribution to the federation, Canada would be worse off. To benefit all Canadians, the federal government should focus on supportive policies, not restrictive ones.
Authors:
Alberta
Alberta Precipitation Update

Below are my updated charts through April 2025 along with the cumulative data starting in October 2024. As you can see, central and southern Alberta are trending quite dry, while the north appears to be faring much better. However, even there, the devil is in the details. For instance, in Grande Prairie the overall precipitation level appears to be “normal”, yet in April it was bone dry and talking with someone who was recently there, they described it as a dust bowl. In short, some rainfall would be helpful. These next 3 months are fairly critical.
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Alberta
Alberta’s move to ‘activity-based funding’ will improve health care despite naysayer claims

From the Fraser Institute
After the Smith government recently announced its shift to a new approach for funding hospitals, known as “activity-based funding” (ABF), defenders of the status quo in Alberta were quick to argue ABF will not improve health care in the province. Their claims are simply incorrect. In reality, based on the experiences of other better-performing universal health-care systems, ABF will help reduce wait times for Alberta patients and provide better value-for-money for taxpayers.
First, it’s important to understand Alberta is not breaking new ground with this approach. Other developed countries shifted to the ABF model starting in the early 1990s.
Indeed, after years of paying their hospitals a lump-sum annual budget for surgical care (like Alberta currently), other countries with universal health care recognized this form of payment encouraged hospitals to deliver fewer services by turning each patient into a cost to be minimized. The shift to ABF, which compensates hospitals for the actual services they provide, flips the script—hospitals in these countries now see patients as a source of revenue.
In fact, in many universal health-care countries, these reforms began so long ago that some are now on their second or even third generation of ABF, incorporating further innovations to encourage an even greater focus on quality.
For example, in Sweden in the early 1990s, counties that embraced ABF enjoyed a potential cost savings of 13 per cent over non-reforming counties that stuck with budgets. In Stockholm, one study measured an 11 per cent increase in hospital activity overall alongside a 1 per cent decrease in costs following the introduction of ABF. Moreover, according to the study, ABF did not reduce access for older patients or patients with more complex conditions. In England, the shift to ABF in the early to mid-2000s helped increase hospital activity and reduce the cost of care per patient, also without negatively affecting quality of care.
Multi-national studies on the shift to ABF have repeatedly shown increases in the volume of care provided, reduced costs per admission, and (perhaps most importantly for Albertans) shorter wait times. Studies have also shown ABF may lead to improved quality and access to advanced medical technology for patients.
Clearly, the naysayers who claim that ABF is some sort of new or untested reform, or that Albertans are heading down an unknown path with unmanageable and unexpected risks, are at the very least uninformed.
And what of those theoretical drawbacks?
Some critics claim that ABF may encourage faster discharges of patients to reduce costs. But they fail to note this theoretical drawback also exists under the current system where discharging higher-cost patients earlier can reduce the drain on hospital budgets. And crucially, other countries have implemented policies to prevent these types of theoretical drawbacks under ABF, which can inform Alberta’s approach from the start.
Critics also argue that competition between private clinics, or even between clinics and hospitals, is somehow a bad thing. But all of the developed world’s top performing universal health-care systems, with the best outcomes and shortest wait times, include a blend of both public and private care. No one has done it with the naysayers’ fixation on government provision.
And finally, some critics claim that, under ABF, private clinics will simply focus on less-complex procedures for less-complex patients to achieve greater profit, leaving public hospitals to perform more complex and thus costly surgeries. But in fact, private clinics alleviate pressure on the public system, allowing hospitals to dedicate their sophisticated resources to complex cases. To be sure, the government must ensure that complex procedures—no matter where they are performed—must always receive appropriate levels of funding and similarly that less-complex procedures are also appropriately funded. But again, the vast and lengthy experience with ABF in other universal health-care countries can help inform Alberta’s approach, which could then serve as an example for other provinces.
Alberta’s health-care system simply does not deliver for patients, with its painfully long wait times and poor access to physicians and services—despite its massive price tag. With its planned shift to activity-based funding, the province has embarked on a path to better health care, despite any false claims from the naysayers. Now it’s crucial for the Smith government to learn from the experiences of others and get this critical reform right.
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