David Clinton
Why Are Ontario’s Public Schools So Violent?
David Clinton
Ontario’s Auditor General just released a performance audit on the Toronto District School Board. I’m sure it’ll surprise exactly no one that “financial and capital resources are not consistently allocated in the most cost-effective or efficient way” or that “The effective management of operations was not always being measured and assessed for internal decision-making”.
And there was plenty of institutional chaos:
“Between 2017/18 and 2022/23…about 38% of TDSB schools did not report conducting the minimum number of fire drills required by the Ontario Fire Code annually, and about 31% of TDSB schools did not report conducting the minimum number of lockdown drills required by TDSB policy annually. The TDSB does not have an effective process to ensure the required number of drills are performed by each school, each year, or that they are performed in accordance with TDSB policy when performed.”
What else would you expect from a massive government bureaucracy that employs 40,000 people, spends $3.6 billion annually and – based on many of the highlighted items on their website – is laser-focused on pretty much anything besides education?
What you might not have seen coming was that around half of the report centered on in-school violence. To be sure, we’re told that there were only 407 violent events reported to the board during the 2022/2023 school year – which is a rate of around 17 events for every 10,000 students. 17:10,000 doesn’t exactly sound like an environment that’s spiraling out of control.
There was a caveat:
“Due to input errors by principals, the TDSB underreported the number of violent incidents that occurred between 2017/18 to 2021/22 to the Ministry by about 9%.”
Ok. But we’re still nowhere near Mad Max levels of violence. So what’s attracting so much of the auditor’s attention? Perhaps it’s got something to do with a couple of recent surveys whose results don’t quite match the board’s own records. Here’s how the audit describes the first of those:
“The 2022/23 TDSB Student and Parent Census was responded to by over 138,000 students, parents, guardians and caregivers. It showed that 23% of students in Grades 4 to 12 that responded to the survey said they were physically bullied (e.g., grabbed, shoved, punched, kicked, tripped, spat at), and about 71% stated they were verbally bullied (e.g., sworn at, threatened, insulted, teased, put down, called names, made fun of). Further, about 14% of student respondents indicated they had been cyberbullied. TDSB’s central tracking of all bullying incidents is much lower than this, suggesting that they are not centrally capturing a large number of bullying incidents that are occurring.”
“23% of students in Grades 4 to 12 that responded to the survey said they were physically bullied”. That’s not a great fit with that 17:10,000 ratio, even if you add the 9 percent of underreported incidents. And bear in mind that these students and their families were willing to discuss their experiences in a survey run by the school board itself, so it’s not like they’re hard to find.
But that’s not the worst of it. The Elementary Teachers’ Federation of Ontario (ETFO) ran their own survey in 2023. They wanted to hear about their members’ experiences with workplace violence. Here, quoting from the audit report, is what TDSB respondents told them:
- 42% had experienced physical force against themselves in 2022/23;
- 18% had experienced more than 10 of these physical force incidents in 2022/23;
- 81% indicated the number of violent incidents increased since they started working;
- about 77% responded that violence was a growing problem at their school;
- about 29% indicated they had suffered a physical injury;
- 57% had suffered a psychological injury/illness (such as mental stress, psychological or emotional harm) as a result of workplace violence against them; and
- about 85% indicated that violence at their school made teaching and working with students more difficult.
29 percent of teachers suffered a physical injury due to workplace violence. That’s elementary school teachers we’re talking about.
For perspective, even accounting for the 9 percent underreporting, the TDSB was aware of events impacting less than a quarter of a percentage point of their students (and apparently didn’t report any violence against teachers). But by their own accounts, 23 percent of all students and 42 percent of elementary teachers have suffered attacks. Are board officials willfully ignoring this stuff?
And if only there was some way to address violence and other criminal activities on school property. Perhaps – and I’m just spitballing here – there could even be people working in schools whose job it would be to (what’s the word I’m looking for?) police crime.
On a completely unrelated note, back in November, 2017, the Toronto District School Board voted 18-3 to permanently end their School Resource Officer (SRO) program. Since then, police officers have been unwelcome on board property.
To be sure, the TDSB has “accepted” all 18 of the report’s recommendations. But talk is cheap. Who’s to say that commitment won’t play out the same way we’ve seen with their fire drill compliance.
Can you spell “class action lawsuit”?
Artificial Intelligence
When A.I. Investments Make (No) Sense
Based mostly on their 2024 budget, the federal government has promised $2.4 billion in support of artificial intelligence (A.I.) innovation and research. Given the potential importance of the A.I. sector and the universal expectation that modern governments should support private business development, this doesn’t sound all that crazy.
But does this particular implementation of that role actually make sense? After all, the global A.I. industry is currently suffering existential convulsions, with hundreds of billions of dollars worth of sector dominance regularly shifting back and forth between the big corporate players. And I’m not sure any major provider has yet built a demonstrably profitable model. Is Canada in a realistic position to compete on this playing field and, if we are, should we really want to?
First of all, it’s worth examining the planned spending itself.
- $2 billion over five years was committed to the Canadian Sovereign A.I. Compute Strategy, which targets public and private infrastructure for increasing A.I. compute capacity, including public supercomputing facilities.
- $200 million has been earmarked for the Regional Artificial Intelligence Initiative (RAII) via Regional Development Agencies intended to boost A.I. startups.
- $100 million to boost productivity is going to the National Research Council Canada’s A.I. Assist Program
- The Canadian A.I. Safety Institute will receive $50 million
In their goals, the $300 million going to those RAII and NRC programs don’t seem substantially different from existing industry support programs like SR&ED. So there’s really nothing much to say about them.
And I wish the poor folk at the Canadian A.I. Safety Institute the best of luck. Their goals might (or might not) be laudable, but I personally don’t see any chance they’ll be successful. Once A.I. models come on line, it’s only a matter of time before users will figure out how to make them do whatever they want.
But I’m really interested in that $2 billion for infrastructure and compute capacity. The first red flag here has to be our access to sufficient power generation.
Canada currently generates more electrical power than we need, but that’s changing fast. To increase capacity to meet government EV mandates, decarbonization goals, and population growth could require doubling our capacity. And that’s before we try to bring A.I. super computers online. Just for context, Amazon, Microsoft, Google, and Oracle all have plans to build their own nuclear reactors to power their data centers. These things require an enormous amount of power.
I’m not sure I see a path to success here. Plowing money into A.I. compute infrastructure while promoting zero emissions policies that’ll ensure your infrastructure can never be powered isn’t smart.
However, the larger problem here may be the current state of the A.I. industry itself. All the frantic scrambling we’re seeing among investors and governments desperate to buy into the current gold rush is mostly focused on the astronomical investment returns that are possible.
There’s nothing wrong with that in principle. But “astronomical investment returns” are also possible by betting on extreme long shots at the race track or shorting equity positions in the Big Five Canadian banks. Not every “possible” investment is appropriate for government policymakers.
Right now the big players (OpenAI, Anthropic, etc.) are struggling to turn a profit. Sure, they regularly manage to build new models that drop the cost of an inference token by ten times. But those new models consume ten or a hundred times more tokens responding to each request. And flat-rate monthly customers regularly increase the volume and complexity of their requests. At this point, there’s apparently no easy way out of this trap.
Since business customers and power users – the most profitable parts of the market – insist on using only the newest and most powerful models while resisting pay-as-you-go contracts, profit margins aren’t scaling. Reportedly, OpenAI is betting on commoditizing its chat services and making its money from advertising. But it’s also working to drive Anthropic and the others out of business by competing head-to-head for the enterprise API business with low prices.
In other words, this is a highly volatile and competitive industry where it’s nearly impossible to visualize what success might even look like with confidence.
Is A.I. potentially world-changing? Yes it is. Could building A.I. compute infrastructure make some investors wildly wealthy? Yes it could. But is it the kind of gamble that’s suitable for public funds?
Perhaps not.
Business
Is Canada’s $100B+ Climate Plan Based on Shaky Science?
Rising CO2 levels have, in fact, been instrumental in promoting an ongoing planet-wide increase in vegetation cover. This is thanks to enhanced photosynthesis and water use efficiency and has contributed to higher agricultural yields. It turns out that, whatever acidification may be happening, there appears to be no serious impact on marine life.
The Climate Working Group at the U.S. Department of Energy recently published “A Critical Review of Impacts of Greenhouse Gas Emissions on the U.S. Climate“. Of note, that group includes University of Guelph’s very own Professor Ross McKitrick.
The authors conclude that while climate change is real and influenced by human emissions, its risks are often exaggerated. Instead:
- Published models have consistently and aggressively overestimated warming
- Extreme weather trends are not worsening as claimed
- Aggressive mitigation policies may cause more harm than good
Rising CO2 levels have, in fact, been instrumental in promoting an ongoing planet-wide increase in vegetation cover. This is thanks to enhanced photosynthesis and water use efficiency and has contributed to higher agricultural yields. It turns out that, whatever acidification may be happening, there appears to be no serious impact on marine life.
To be sure, there’s been vocal push back against the report’s findings. But that just highlights the complexity, volatility, and intense political stakes of the issues involved.
Despite my own stellar academic publishing history (see my high school paper from 45 years ago on CO2 emissions and the acidification of lakes in Ontario for full details), it turns out that I’m not qualified to express an opinion here. After all, I lack the necessary combined expertise in natural sciences, applied sciences, social sciences, and so on.
But I suspect that the people in Ottawa who make related policy decisions aren’t necessarily all that better prepared than I am. Which makes me wonder just how much of our money has been spent through the past ten years based on assumptions that are far from universally accepted in the scientific community.
The short answer is: many billions of dollars. Here are some highlights:
- $28.7 billion for the public transit envelope from the Investing in Canada Plan
- $26.9 billion for the Green Infrastructure Investments envelope from the Investing in Canada Plan
- $2 billion for the Low Carbon Economy Fund
- $8 billion for the Net Zero Accelerator
- $103 billion for the Clean-economy Investment Tax Credits (although that won’t all be spent before 2035)
- $3 billion in EV purchase rebates from the Incentives for Zero-Emission Vehicles
- $2.6 billion for Canada Greener Homes Grants
- $2.75 billion for the Zero-Emission Transit Fund (school buses and municipal ZEV fleets)
- $1.5 billion to support low-carbon fuel production and adoption
- $964 million for the Smart Renewables and Electrification Pathways Program (renewable projects, storage, and grid modernization)
- $680 million for Zero-Emission Vehicle Infrastructure Program (charging stations and hydrogen refuelling)
Granted, some of that funding will address other policy needs besides just climate change mitigation, and nearly all of it is designed to be paid out over multiple years. And of course, not all funds that were allocated have been spent yet. Two thumbs up for inertia!
But it’s still an awful lot of money considering no one really knows for sure whether any of this is helpful. Not to mention that, while it’s complicated, after a decade of trying, Canada’s actual emissions haven’t necessarily dropped.
-
International2 days agoStrongest hurricane in 174 years makes landfall in Jamaica
-
Business2 days agoCanada’s combative trade tactics are backfiring
-
International2 days agoBiden’s Autopen Orders declared “null and void”
-
MAiD2 days agoStudy promotes liver transplants from Canadian euthanasia victims
-
Business2 days agoCanada has given $109 million to Communist China for ‘sustainable development’ since 2015
-
Internet1 day agoMusk launches Grokipedia to break Wikipedia’s information monopoly
-
Opinion2 days agoBritish Columbians protest Trump while Eby brings their province to its knees
-
Business1 day agoBill Gates walks away from the climate cult




