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Economy

Trudeau’s Economic Mismanagement Exposed: GDP Report Reveals Alarming Decline in Canadian Prosperity

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9 minute read

The Opposition with Dan Knight

The latest “Gross Domestic Product, Income, and Expenditure: Third Quarter 2024” report highlights six consecutive declines in GDP per capita & collapsing business investment

Good evening my fellow Canadians, and welcome to the final chapter of Canada as a thriving economy, brought to you courtesy of Justin Trudeau. The latest GDP report isn’t just a spreadsheet of bad news—it’s a grim look at the devastation Trudeau has unleashed on Canada’s economy.

Here’s what they won’t tell you: while Trudeau prances around on the world stage, preaching about climate change and “equity,” the average Canadian is getting poorer. GDP per capita—one of the most telling measures of prosperity—has now declined for six consecutive quarters, hitting levels not seen since 2017. Let that sink in. Under Trudeau’s leadership, Canadians are worse off today than they were seven years ago.


Canada’s GDP Growth: A Sluggish Economy Falling Behind

The latest figures from Statistics Canada’s Gross Domestic Product, Income, and Expenditure: Third Quarter 2024 report show an economy struggling to find its footing. Real GDP grew by 0.3% in Q3 2024, a slowdown from the 0.5% growth in the first and second quarters of the year. On an annual basis, GDP growth for 2023 was a modest 1.1%, further highlighting Canada’s weak economic momentum.

In real terms, Canada’s GDP as of Q3 2024 stands at $2,419,572 million (chained 2017 dollars). While the economy continues to expand, this growth pales in comparison to the nation’s surging population.


GDP Per Capita Declines: A Warning Sign for Canadians

Canada’s economic growth is not keeping pace with its rapid population expansion. In Q3 2024, GDP per capita—arguably the most important measure of economic health—declined by 0.4%, marking the sixth consecutive quarterly drop. With a staggering 3.2% population growth in 2023, Canada’s economy cannot sustain the same level of prosperity for its citizens.

Current GDP per capita is estimated at ~$54,000, down from its pre-pandemic high of ~$58,100 in 2017, and 2.5% below 2019 levels. To return to its long-term trend, GDP per capita would need to grow at an ambitious 1.7% annually for the next decade, a rate well above the recent average of just 1.1% per year since 1981.


Historical Context: Long-Term Prosperity Eroded

The report shows a troubling trajectory in inflation-adjusted GDP per capita over decades:

  • 1981: ~$36,900
  • 2017: ~$58,100
  • 2024: ~$54,000 (estimated due to consecutive declines).

Despite Canada’s resource wealth and economic potential, GDP per capita remains 7% below its historical growth trend, signaling systemic productivity and investment issues.


Key Drivers of GDP Growth in Q3 2024

The Q3 2024 report highlights the components influencing GDP growth:

  • Household Spending: +0.9%
  • Government Spending: +1.1%
  • Business Investment in Machinery and Equipment: -7.8%
  • Exports: -0.3%
  • Imports: -0.1%

While household and government expenditures provided some lift, the steep decline in business investment—down nearly 8%—and weaker exports reveal structural weaknesses in Canada’s economic model.


A Warning for the Future

These numbers tell a grim story: Canada’s economic growth, when adjusted for its population explosion, is failing to provide real benefits to its citizens. GDP per capita declines, stagnant productivity, and plummeting business investment highlight the challenges ahead. Without dramatic improvements in productivity, competitiveness, and fiscal policy, Canada’s long-term economic prospects remain precarious.


Trudeau’s Population Bomb

In 2023, Canada’s population grew by a jaw-dropping 3.2%, adding over 1.27 million people—the size of Calgary—in just one year. Trudeau’s open-door immigration policy is out of control. But here’s the kicker: the economy isn’t keeping up. GDP growth is crawling at 0.3%, while GDP per capita—the number that actually reflects living standards—has fallen 2.5% below pre-pandemic levels.

What does this mean? Trudeau is creating a country where there are more people, but less wealth to go around. He’s importing voters for his political base while ignoring the basic economics of supply and demand. More people mean more pressure on housing, healthcare, and infrastructure—all of which are already in crisis. Trudeau gets the photo ops, and Canadians get poorer.


Productivity? What’s That?

Here’s the real scandal: Canada’s productivity is collapsing, and Trudeau couldn’t care less. Business investment in machinery and equipment—a cornerstone of economic growth—dropped 7.8% in Q3 2024. That’s not a blip. It’s part of a long-term trend.

Under Trudeau, Canada has become hostile to business. With punishing taxes, endless red tape, and policies designed to appease radical activists, companies have stopped investing. They’re pulling back because they see no future in a country run by a trust-fund prime minister who treats the economy like his personal virtue-signaling playground.


Exports Collapse, Government Spending Soars

Exports fell 0.3% this quarter, after a 1.4% drop the quarter before. That’s Canada losing its competitive edge, plain and simple. While Trudeau waxes poetic about “green transitions,” other countries are eating Canada’s lunch.

Meanwhile, Trudeau’s solution to every problem is predictable: throw money at it. Government spending rose 1.1% in Q3 2024, marking the third consecutive quarterly increase. But this isn’t investment—it’s waste. It’s billions spent on flashy programs that do nothing to address Canada’s fundamental economic problems.


The OECD Warning Trudeau Ignores

Here’s a fact Trudeau won’t tweet about: The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) projects that Canada will have the lowest GDP per capita growth of all member countries through 2060. That’s Trudeau’s legacy: turning Canada into the slowest-growing economy in the developed world.

This isn’t just incompetence—it’s deliberate. Trudeau’s agenda isn’t about making Canada prosperous; it’s about centralizing power. His policies crush the middle class, drive businesses out, and create dependence on government handouts.


The Final Verdict

Justin Trudeau has managed to take one of the most resource-rich, opportunity-filled countries in the world and drive it into economic stagnation. He’s turned Canada into a welfare state for the many and a playground for the elite. GDP per capita is falling, productivity is collapsing, and the future looks bleak for ordinary Canadians.

Let’s be clear: Trudeau doesn’t care. As long as he’s jet-setting to global conferences, virtue-signaling about climate justice, and securing his legacy as the darling of the global elite, the suffering of everyday Canadians is irrelevant to him.

Canada deserves better. It deserves leadership that values hard work, economic freedom, and the dignity of a prosperous nation. And until Trudeau is gone, don’t expect any of that.

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Automotive

The $50 Billion Question: EVs Never Delivered What Ottawa Promised

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Marco Navarro-Génie's avatar Marco Navarro-Génie

Beware of government promises that arrive gift-wrapped in moral certainty.

The pattern repeats across the sector: subsidies extracted, production scaled back, workers laid off, taxpayers absorbing losses while executives collect bonuses and move on, and politicians pretend that it never happened. CBC isn’t asking Justin Trudeau, Katherine McKenna or Steven Guilbeault any questions about it. They are not asking Mark Carney.

Buy an electric vehicle, they said, and you will save the planet, no questions asked. Justin Trudeau and several of his ministers proclaimed it from podiums. Environmental activists, often cabinet members, chanted it at rallies. Automotive executives leveraged it to extract giant subsidies. For over a decade, the message never wavered: until $50 billion in public money disappeared into corporate failures, and the economic wreckage became impossible to ignore.

Prime Minister Mark Carney, himself a spokesperson for the doomsday culture, inherited the policy disaster from Trudeau and still clings to the wreckage. The 2026 EV sales target sits suspended, a grudging acknowledgment that reality refused to cooperate with radical predictions and Ottawa’s mandates. Yet the 2030 and 2035 targets remain federal law, monuments to a central-planning exercise that delivered the opposite of what it promised.

Their claims were never quite true. Electric vehicles were pure good. They were marketed as unconditionally cleaner than conventional cars, a transformation so obviously beneficial that questioning it invited accusations of climate denial. Government messaging suggested switching to an EV meant immediate environmental virtue. The nuance, the conditions, and the caveats were conveniently omitted from the government sales pitch that justified tens of billions of your money into subsidies for foreign EV manufacturing and corporate advancement.

The Reality Ottawa Is Hiding

Research documented the conditional nature of EV benefits for over a decade, yet Ottawa proceeded as if the complexity didn’t exist. Studies from China, where coal dominates electricity generation, showed as early as 2010 that EVs in coal-dependent regions had “very limited benefits” in reducing emissions compared to gasoline vehicles. In Northern China, where electricity generation is over 80% coal-based, EVs could produce lifecycle emissions comparable to or even higher than those of conventional cars. A 2015 Chinese study found that EVs generated lifecycle emissions that were only 18% lower than those of gasoline vehicles, compared to 40-70% reductions in regions with cleaner grids.

Volvo began publishing transparent lifecycle assessments for its first EV in 2019, making it the first major automaker to document the significant upfront emissions from battery production publicly. Their 2021 C40 Recharge report, released during the COP26 climate summit in Glasgow, revealed that manufacturing an EV produces 70% more emissions than building a comparable conventional vehicle. But there are no CBC reports about that. The Volvo report showed that an EV charged on a coal-heavy global grid required 68,000 to 110,000 miles of driving to break even with a conventional car, potentially more than half the vehicle’s usable lifetime. For drivers with low annual mileage in regions with dirty electricity grids, that breakeven point could take six to nine years to reach, if ever.

Battery manufacturing location proved enormously consequential. Production in China, powered by coal, generates 60-85% higher emissions than manufacturing in Europe or the United States. Yet Canadian subsidies flowed to companies regardless of where batteries were made or where vehicles would be charged. The federal government committed over $50 billion without requiring the environmental due diligence that should precede such massive public investment.

The Canadian government never acknowledged Volvo’s findings. Not once. A search of federal policy documents, ministerial statements, and environmental assessments from 2019 forward reveals no mention of the lifecycle complexities Volvo documented. Ottawa’s silence on inconvenient research speaks loudly about how ideology trumped evidence in shaping EV policy.

You want to build a pipeline in Canada. There will be 8 to 10 years of red tape and environmental impact assessments. But if you say you want to make EVs, Laurentian provincial premiers and the feds will bend over backwards. They handed over billions while the economy and social conditions in their cities decayed.

The environmental promise was conditional: clean electricity grids, high annual mileage, manufacturing in regions with low-carbon energy, and vehicles driven long enough to offset the massive carbon debt from battery production. Remove those conditions, and the environmental case collapses. The subsidies, however, remained unconditional.

The Subsidies Flow, The Companies Fail

Corporate casualties now litter the landscape. Northvolt received $240 million in federal subsidies to build a Quebec battery plant before filing for bankruptcy protection in November. Lion Electric, Quebec’s homegrown EV manufacturer, burned through $100 million in government support before announcing massive layoffs and production cuts. Arrival, which secured subsidies for its electric van facility, collapsed entirely, leaving taxpayers with nothing but broken promises.

Stellantis and LG Energy Solution extracted $15 billion, the most extensive corporate handout in Canadian history, for their Windsor battery plant. Volkswagen secured $13 billion for St. Thomas. Provincial governments layered on additional incentives. The public investment dwarfed any plausible return, yet the money kept flowing based on environmental claims the government either never bothered to verify or suppressed from its own documents and reports.

Despite this flood of subsidies and regulatory coercion, Canadian consumers rejected the offering. Even with massive incentives, EVs accounted for only 15% of new vehicle sales in 2024, far short of the mandated 20% target for 2026, let alone the 60% demanded by 2030. When federal subsidies ended in early 2025, sales collapsed to 9%, revealing the limited consumer demand. Dealer lots overflow with unsold inventory. Manufacturers scaled back production plans. The market spoke; Ottawa is only half listening.

The GM plant in Oshawa serves as a cautionary tale. Thousands of jobs lost. Promises of green manufacturing jobs evaporated. Workers who believed government assurances that EV mandates would secure their livelihoods found themselves unemployed as companies redirected production or collapsed entirely. The pattern repeats across the sector: subsidies extracted, production scaled back, workers laid off, taxpayers absorbing losses while executives collect bonuses and move on, and politicians pretend that it never happened. CBC isn’t asking Justin Trudeau, Katherine McKenna or Steven Guilbeault any questions about it. They are not asking Mark Carney.

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The Central Planning Failure

The EV disaster illustrates why economies run by political offices never succeed. Friedrich Hayek observed that “The curious task of economics is to demonstrate to men how little they really know about what they imagine they can design.” Politicians and bureaucrats in Ottawa do not possibly possess the dispersed knowledge embedded in millions of individual economic decisions. But they think that they do.

Markets aggregate information that no central planner can access. Consumer preferences for vehicle range, charging convenience, and total cost of ownership. Regional variations in electricity generation and the pace of grid decarbonization. Battery technology improvements and supply chain vulnerabilities. Resource constraints and mining capacity. These factors interact in ways too complex for any cabinet planning committee to comprehend, yet Ottawa presumed to mandate outcomes a generation in advance.

Federal ministers with no experience in automotive manufacturing or battery chemistry presumed to direct the transformation of a trillion-dollar industry. Career bureaucrats drafted regulations determining which vehicles Canadians could purchase years hence, as if they possessed prophetic knowledge of technological development, grid decarbonization rates, consumer preferences, and global supply chains.

The EV mandate attempted to force a technological transition. It was an economic coup. Environmental claims proved conditional at best. Billions in subsidies flowed to failing companies. Taxpayers absorbed losses while corporations extracted rents and walked away. It worked well for the corporations, but the coup failed Canadians and Canadian workers. They are not building back better.

Green ideology provided perfect cover for this overreach. Invoke climate emergency, and fiscal responsibility vanishes. Question subsidies and you’re labelled a denier. Point out that environmental benefits depend on specific conditions, and you’re accused of spreading misinformation. The rhetorical shield, aided and abetted by a complicit media unable to see past its own financial interests, allowed government to bypass scrutiny that should attend any massive industrial policy intervention.

The Trust Deficit

As Canadians learn that EV environmental benefits depend heavily on electricity sources and driving patterns, as they watch subsidized companies collapse, as they discover how thoroughly the promise was oversold and how completely Ottawa ignored contrary evidence, trust in government erodes. This badly needed skepticism will spread beyond EVs and undermine legitimate government functions.

It would be good if future government claims about environmental policy face rising skepticism. Corporations wrapping themselves in green rhetoric may be viewed as con artists. Environmental activists who championed these policies may see their credibility destroyed. When citizens conclude their government systematically misled them about costs, benefits, and basic facts while suppressing inconvenient research, liberal democracy itself suffers. But that may not happen at all in Laurentian LaLa-land or in the Pacific Lotusland.

Over fifty billion dollars are distributed among local and foreign industrialists, while tens of thousands live in tents in Laurentian cities.

The EV debacle demonstrates that overselling policy benefits, suppressing complexity, and using ideology to short-circuit debate produce a backlash far worse than honest acknowledgment of nuance would have. The damage compounds when governments commit billions based on conditional environmental claims they never verified, then remain silent when industry-leading manufacturers publish data revealing those conditions.

The Path Forward

Canada needs a full repeal of the EV mandate and a complete retreat from Ottawa directing market decisions. The EV law must be struck, not merely paused. The 2030 and 2035 targets must be abandoned entirely. No new subsidies for EV production (or any other production). No bailouts for failed battery plants. No additional funds for charging infrastructure. And absolutely no subsidies for conventional or hybrid vehicle production justified by the same environmental complexity that should have prevented EV mandates in the first place.

Let markets determine which technologies Canadians choose. If EVs deliver genuine value for specific consumers in specific circumstances—those with clean electricity grids, high annual mileage, and long vehicle ownership timelines—those consumers will buy them without mandates or subsidies. If hybrids or improved conventional vehicles better serve other consumers’ needs, manufacturers will produce them without government direction.

The aggregated wisdom of millions of economic actors making decisions based on their actual circumstances will produce better outcomes than any planning committee in Ottawa. Some Canadians will find EVs deliver environmental and financial benefits. Others will not. Both conclusions can be correct simultaneously, a nuance Ottawa spent $50 billion refusing to acknowledge.

Markets work because no one has to know everything. Central planning fails because someone must. I wish I could say that Ottawa has learned this lesson the expensive way. Or whether Laurentians will remember it at the next election. Or whether the same politicians and bureaucrats who delivered this disaster will identify the next technology to mandate and subsidize, armed with new promises that reality will eventually expose as conditional at best.

But let’s keep our dreams in check. It seems more likely, given their ideological make-up and propensities for certainty, that low-information Laurentian and Pacific Coast voters will go right for the next green-washed fantasy that the feds and provincial governments will put in front of them, provided it is coiled into a catchy slogan.


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Business

Canada Can Finally Profit From LNG If Ottawa Stops Dragging Its Feet

Published on

From the Frontier Centre for Public Policy

By Ian Madsen 

Canada’s growing LNG exports are opening global markets and reducing dependence on U.S. prices, if Ottawa allows the pipelines and export facilities needed to reach those markets

Canada’s LNG advantage is clear, but federal bottlenecks still risk turning a rare opening into another missed opportunity

Canada is finally in a position to profit from global LNG demand. But that opportunity will slip away unless Ottawa supports the pipelines and export capacity needed to reach those markets.

Most major LNG and pipeline projects still need federal impact assessments and approvals, which means Ottawa can delay or block them even when provincial and Indigenous governments are onside. Several major projects are already moving ahead, which makes Ottawa’s role even more important.

The Ksi Lisims floating liquefaction and export facility near Prince Rupert, British Columbia, along with the LNG Canada terminal at Kitimat, B.C., Cedar LNG and a likely expansion of LNG Canada, are all increasing Canada’s export capacity. For the first time, Canada will be able to sell natural gas to overseas buyers instead of relying solely on the U.S. market and its lower prices.

These projects give the northeast B.C. and northwest Alberta Montney region a long-needed outlet for its natural gas. Horizontal drilling and hydraulic fracturing made it possible to tap these reserves at scale. Until 2025, producers had no choice but to sell into the saturated U.S. market at whatever price American buyers offered. Gaining access to world markets marks one of the most significant changes for an industry long tied to U.S. pricing.

According to an International Gas Union report, “Global liquefied natural gas (LNG) trade grew by 2.4 per cent in 2024 to 411.24 million tonnes, connecting 22 exporting markets with 48 importing markets.” LNG still represents a small share of global natural gas production, but it opens the door to buyers willing to pay more than U.S. markets.

LNG Canada is expected to export a meaningful share of Canada’s natural gas when fully operational. Statistics Canada reports that Canada already contributes to global LNG exports, and that contribution is poised to rise as new facilities come online.

Higher returns have encouraged more development in the Montney region, which produces more than half of Canada’s natural gas. A growing share now goes directly to LNG Canada.

Canadian LNG projects have lower estimated break-even costs than several U.S. or Mexican facilities. That gives Canada a cost advantage in Asia, where LNG demand continues to grow.

Asian LNG prices are higher because major buyers such as Japan and South Korea lack domestic natural gas and rely heavily on imports tied to global price benchmarks. In June 2025, LNG in East Asia sold well above Canadian break-even levels. This price difference, combined with Canada’s competitive costs, gives exporters strong margins compared with sales into North American markets.

The International Energy Agency expects global LNG exports to rise significantly by 2030 as Europe replaces Russian pipeline gas and Asian economies increase their LNG use. Canada is entering the global market at the right time, which strengthens the case for expanding LNG capacity.

As Canadian and U.S. LNG exports grow, North American supply will tighten and local prices will rise. Higher domestic prices will raise revenues and shrink the discount that drains billions from Canada’s economy.

Canada loses more than $20 billion a year because of an estimated $20-per-barrel discount on oil and about $2 per gigajoule on natural gas, according to the Frontier Centre for Public Policy’s energy discount tracker. Those losses appear directly in public budgets. Higher natural gas revenues help fund provincial services, health care, infrastructure and Indigenous revenue-sharing agreements that rely on resource income.

Canada is already seeing early gains from selling more natural gas into global markets. Government support for more pipelines and LNG export capacity would build on those gains and lift GDP and incomes. Ottawa’s job is straightforward. Let the industry reach the markets willing to pay.

Ian Madsen is a senior policy analyst at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy.

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