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National

Taxpayers demand a public inquiry into Elections B.C.

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From the Canadian Taxpayers Federation

By Carson Binda

Elections B.C. is drawing scrutiny which threatens to undermine taxpayer’s faith in our elections.

That’s a problem.

Here’s the solution: call a public inquiry into Elections B.C., not a politicised process through legislative committees working behind closed doors.

There is nothing to suggest the B.C. provincial election was stolen. There is nothing to suggest Elections B.C. was in cahoots with one party or another. But that doesn’t mean we can afford to turn a blind eye to its bureaucratic mishandling of the most important day in our democratic cycle.

In a democracy, taxpayers must have faith in elections and repeated screw-ups from Elections B.C. erodes that trust. And make no mistake, Elections B.C. did screw up its handling of the provincial election.

The problems with Elections B.C. range from bad to worse.

It took Elections B.C. more than a week to finish the preliminary tally of votes. Voting closed Oct. 19, but the final count didn’t occur until Oct. 28.

British Columbians shouldn’t be left in limbo because Elections B.C. bureaucrats won’t work late to count votes. And it shouldn’t take an extra week for the final count to begin.

Then came the revelation that Elections B.C. officials were storing ballots in their personal homes. Think about that for a moment. When you cast your ballot, did you imagine it would find its way into the basement of a bureaucrat’s home?

British Columbians generally believe Elections B.C. acts in good faith. But why allow questionable chains of custody for the most important pieces of paper in a democracy? Why risk storing ballots in bureaucrats’ basements instead of secure government buildings?

And we have good reasons to question the competency of the Elections B.C. bureaucracy.

First, the public was told Elections B.C. failed to count 14 votes in Surrey-Guildford. Then Elections B.C. found another 14 uncounted votes in the same riding, bringing the total to 28.

The NDP won Surrey-Guildford by 22 votes, meaning 28 uncounted votes could have been enough to alter the election. It’s also the riding that gave the NDP a one-seat majority government.

Elections B.C. blamed “human error” in a statement sent to the CTF for the uncounted votes in Surrey-Guildford.

A ballot box with 860 votes in Prince-George Mackenzie went uncounted and unreported during the initial counts. This mistake should have been caught immediately.

“Elections officials should have discovered this error when completing the ballot reconciliation process on election night, however this was not completed correctly,” according to Elections B.C.

Not only did Elections B.C. make a mistake by ignoring the ballot box in the first place, they also screwed-up the election night process by not catching its mistake.

In three-quarters of B.C.’s 93 ridings, mistakes by Elections B.C. led to unreported votes. That’s unacceptable.

To be fair, all the votes were eventually accounted for and counted. But our elections are too important to risk with these kinds of blunders from bureaucrats.

Both the ruling NDP and opposition B.C. Conservatives agree there needs to be an investigation into Elections B.C.’s mistakes.

The NDP wants an all-party committee made up of MLAs to probe Elections B.C. But that’s not good enough.

Legislative committees are political and are made up of politicians fighting for the spotlight. They can hide behind in-camera meetings the public doesn’t have access to.

For the public to have faith in our elections, the public needs to be involved in the inquiry. That’s what the B.C. Conservatives are calling for: an independent public review.

British Columbians need to have faith in our elections, so the public must be a part of the investigation. This is far too important an issue for taxpayers to be shunted off to the side while politicians play partisan games.

Carson Binda is the B.C. Director for the Canadians Taxpayers Federation.   

Education

Spending per K-12 student in Canada ranged from $13,494 in Alberta to $19,484 in Quebec in 2022/23

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From the Fraser Institute

By Michael Zwaagstra, Max Shang and Milagros Palacios

Spending per student (kindergarten to grade 12) in Canada ranged from a low of $13,494 in Alberta to a high of $19,484 in Quebec in 2022/23, finds a
new study published by the Fraser Institute, an independent, non-partisan Canadian public policy think-tank.

Most people—parents included—don’t understand how much is being spent educating students in public schools across Canada, which is critical before parents begin to evaluate whether they’re getting good value for the money,” said Michael Zwaagstra, senior fellow with the Fraser Institute and co-author of Education Spending in Public Schools in Canada, 2025 Edition.

The study finds that inflation adjusted per student spending on public schools in Canada increased nationally by 5.9 per cent over between 2013/14 and 2022/23. A different way to think about this increase in spending is to analyze how much was required to offset changes in student enrolment and inflation. The analysis shows that over this time period (2013/14 to 2022/23) an additional $6.5 billion was spent over and above what was needed to compensate for more students and inflation.

The spending analysis also includes different categories such as compensation, capital and other spending as categorized by Statistics Canada. Compensation (salaries, wages, fringe benefits, and pensions) contributed the most to the total growth in spending on public schools from 2013/14 to 2022/23.

In total, Quebec experienced the largest increase at 40.6 per cent. Prince Edward Island (14.5 per cent) and Nova Scotia (10.8 per cent) experienced the next largest increases in spending per student, while Saskatchewan (-14.8 per cent), Alberta (-17.5 per cent), and Newfoundland & Labrador (-11.2 per cent) were the only provinces to experience meaningful declines during this same period.

“When it comes to our children’s education, it’s important to understand exactly what’s happening with spending in public schools, and, most importantly, to question how the money spent is being put to use,” said Zwaagstra.

Per student spending in public schools across the provinces 2022/23

Province                          Per-student dollars

Canada                                       16,579

Quebec                                       19,484
Prince Edward Island             17,475
New Brunswick                        17,346
Manitoba                                   17,036
Nova Scotia                               16,800
Ontario                                       16,164
Saskatchewan                           15,774
British Columbia                      15,116
Newfoundland &Labrador     14,190
Alberta                                       13,494

Education Spending in Public Schools in Canada, 2025 Edition

  • Total education spending in public schools over the last 10 years increased from $63.0 billion in 2013/14 to $88.4 billion in 2022/23, a nominal increase of 40.3%.
  • Per-student spending adjusted for inflation (price changes), increased by 5.9% nationally from 2013/14 to 2022/23.
  • The highest inflation-adjusted spending increases (per student) occurred in the provinces of Quebec (40.6%), Prince Edward Island (14.5%), Nova Scotia (10.8%), and British Columbia (9.3%).
  • Five provinces experienced decreases in inflation-adjusted per-student spending—Alberta (17.5%), Saskatchewan (14.8%), Newfoundland & Labrador (11.2%), Manitoba (3.0%), and Ontario (1.7%).
  • Quebec had the second lowest level of per-student spending in public schools in 2013/14 and now has the highest. Prince Edward Island went from seventh in per-student spending to second highest.
  • On the other hand, Saskatchewan went from the highest in per-student spending to seventh, and Alberta went from fifth highest to tenth, the lowest.
  • Even though British Columbia recorded the fourth-highest growth in adjusted per-student spending, it still ranks eighth in per-student spending in Canada.
  • Student enrolment across Canada increased by an average of 5.6% from 2013/14 to 2022/23. Only Newfoundland & Labrador saw a decrease in enrolment (4.9%).
  • Compensation remains the largest and costliest aspect of education spending and has contributed the largest portion to the growth of total education spending in Canada.

READ THE FULL STUDY

Michael Zwaagstra

Senior Fellow, Fraser Institute

Max Shang

Economist, Fraser Institute

Milagros Palacios

Director, Addington Centre for Measurement, Fraser Institute

 

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Crime

U.S. Treasury Warns of $312 Billion in Chinese Laundering For Mexican cartels

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Sam Cooper's avatar Sam Cooper

FinCEN says Chinese networks moving billions for Mexican cartels also push illicit cash through U.S. real estate, elder care centers, and human trafficking schemes.

The U.S. Department of the Treasury issued a stark warning Thursday that Chinese money laundering networks have become a primary engine driving Mexico-based drug cartels’ expansion into the United States, flagging $312 billion in cartel-linked suspicious transactions and a further $53.7 billion in illicit real estate activity over the past four years. Officials underscored the systemic risks posed by what they described as a sprawling global underground economy.

While cartel laundering was the central focus, Treasury’s Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN) also highlighted troubling evidence of Chinese-linked financial activity tied to elder care centers, human trafficking, and fraud. Investigators flagged $766 million in suspicious activity at 83 adult and senior day care centers in New York, along with 1,675 reports of suspected human trafficking or smuggling, and 108 reports tied to elder abuse and health care schemes.

New York has been the focus of investigations showing how Chinese community groups and service centers became entangled in Beijing’s foreign interference campaigns, according to indictments and reporting in The New York Times—raising concerns that the financial networks flagged by FinCEN blur the line between criminal enterprises and hostile state activities.

As reported previously by The Bureau in coverage of a sweeping FinTRAC warning on Chinese underground banking in Toronto, FinCEN is now raising similar alarms. The Treasury said so-called “money mules” often rely on falsified jobs and identities to gain access to the banking system, disguise unexplained wealth, and buy residential properties. In cases where these mules opened accounts, they frequently listed occupations such as “student,” “housewife,” “retired,” or “laborer” — roles that would not normally involve large volumes of financial activity — yet the accounts showed high-value deposits and transactions consistent with laundering.

These same evasive patterns first appeared in audits during the 2010s of massive drug-money laundering through British Columbia’s government casinos, a dominant node of Chinese triad and state activity in North America. According to FinTRAC, Chinese criminal networks shifted the scheme across Canada’s banking and legal systems during the pandemic, when casino closures forced an evolution of laundering tactics.

In the United States, Treasury officials said, these networks have become critical partners to Latin American drug cartels — including groups designated as foreign terrorist organizations.

“Money laundering networks linked to individual passport holders from the People’s Republic of China enable cartels to poison Americans with fentanyl, conduct human trafficking, and wreak havoc among communities across our great nation,” said John K. Hurley, Treasury’s Under Secretary for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence. “The United States will not stand by and allow nefarious actors to launder illicit proceeds through our financial system.”

FinCEN Director Andrea Gacki called the networks “global and pervasive,” warning that they must be “dismantled” through coordinated international action.

The Financial Trend Analysis behind the advisory drew on 137,153 Bank Secrecy Act reports filed between January 2020 and December 2024, documenting $312 billion in suspicious transactions tied to Chinese laundering networks.

Officials described a vast shadow infrastructure stretching from cartel couriers in the United States and Mexico to Chinese nationals seeking to evade Beijing’s strict capital controls. The result is a mutually beneficial pipeline: cartels desperate to shed bulk U.S. dollars sell cash to Chinese intermediaries, who in turn profit by reselling those dollars to wealthy clients inside China eager to move money abroad.

Chinese Command Cartel Money Movement

A granular view of the scheme emerged in the stunning case of Beijing-born Zhi Dong Zhang — code-named “Chino” — who, as The Bureau reported this week, recently escaped house arrest in Mexico City just days before his scheduled extradition to the United States. Indictments allege Zhang commanded both the Chinese and Mexican wings of cartel operations, training Hispanic money mules to infiltrate U.S. banks. He reportedly bridged fentanyl precursor supply lines for the rival Sinaloa and Jalisco cartels — a rare position that underscored how Chinese networks have become the anchor of cartel financial and chemical infrastructure.

The global, trade-based nature of the system — emphasized in Treasury officials’ comments — stems from Mexico’s restrictions on dollar deposits and China’s caps on outbound transfers. Together, these measures have forged what Treasury calls a “mutualistic relationship” between cartels and Chinese brokers. Cartel proceeds in U.S. dollars are sold at a discount to Chinese laundering networks, which in turn meet demand from Chinese citizens and businesses seeking dollars for tuition, real estate, or investments in the United States.

Transactions move through informal networks advertised on WeChat or brokered via personal connections. Cartels are then compensated in yuan through Chinese accounts or with goods purchased in Asia and shipped to Mexico through their diaspora distribution channels.

In some cases, financial institution employees are recruited as complicit insiders, while counterfeit Chinese passports have been used to open accounts and disguise flows. The layering of shell companies, third-party intermediaries, and complex real estate purchases allows illicit proceeds to be reintegrated into the legitimate economy.

As previously reported by The Bureau, the U.S. government has been surfacing vast datasets and cases tied to an ongoing DEA task force codenamed Sleeping Giant. The operation was launched by senior DEA agent Don Im, whose career has focused on decoding China’s central role in global money laundering and chemical supply chains for methamphetamine and fentanyl. The mission was designed to bring cases against Latin American cartels working in partnership with Chinese laundering syndicates.

One of the task force’s major cases revealed how Sai Zhang, a Chinese student in California on a study visa, played a commanding role in orchestrating Sinaloa cartel fentanyl cash flows. But the system extended far beyond one trafficker, Im said, bridging into the architecture of China’s economic system itself.

“Chinese banking networks were operating in the U.S. long before Zhang linked up with the Sinaloa cartel,” Im told The Bureau in a report that previewed FinCEN’s detailed findings. He described how Chinese buyers bid on pools of cartel drug cash collected worldwide, paying a premium to receive laundered dollars in U.S. cities and investments of their choosing. “The buyers were mostly wealthy Chinese seeking dollars for real estate or tuition in America. Payments were made in yuan through Chinese accounts. In return, Mexican cartels received goods or cash.”

In exclusive interviews, Im outlined in unprecedented detail the breathtaking complexity of China’s global drug money laundering networks — a labyrinth of shadow transactions that Sleeping Giant helped map and penetrate. These findings, he said, help explain why Washington is now imposing new trade sanctions targeting China and countries bound tightly to its export-driven economy.

At the heart of the problem, according to Im, is Beijing’s decentralized economic apparatus. The Chinese Communist Party’s regional governors knowingly align with drug barons, he argued — channeling fentanyl cash, reintegrating it into China’s industrial output, and exporting drug-funded goods worldwide. Meanwhile, Chinese immigrants and travelers access the other side of this narco-banking system, using it to bankroll overseas investments and strengthen the reach of the Chinese diaspora.

The new Treasury advisory urges financial institutions to sharpen detection of red flags, from unusual cash deposits and wire transfers tied to Chinese nationals to trade transactions routed through shell companies and real estate purchases inconsistent with reported income. Officials cast the move as part of a whole-of-government campaign to choke off cartel financing while pressing for tighter coordination with foreign governments and law enforcement partners.

“Chinese money laundering networks are global and pervasive, and they must be dismantled,” Gacki said.

One senior U.S. expert, in a previous interview, warned that diligent business leaders in the United States — and worldwide — would be wise to study such sweeping warnings, or risk penalties for complicity in terror-designated cartel financing if they fail to implement proper controls and oversight of suspicious transactions.

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